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"content": "Novissiman Mutinaers<br />Hello friend!<br /><br />Are you looking for a new science fiction book series to get into?<br />Well, look no further! ‘The Last Mutineers’ will certainly sate your literary needs. Especially if you are interested in the topics expressed on this page. <br /><br />Are you curious as to when the corruption on Earth began or who is behind it all? What if this is greater than the Jewish Question? What if there is a far more sinister threat lurking in the cosmos utilizing the incestuous Neanderthalic tribe for their own benefit? Could they both be taken down at once for treason against all of mankind? One can only hope…<br /><br />Find out more by purchasing the first volume of the series titled, “Prequel”:<br /><br />Paperback ($10):<br />amazon.com/dp/0999035029<br /><br />Kindle ($4 or Free w/ Kindle Unlimited):<br />amazon.com/dp/B074DH4QBM<br /><br />If you would like a signed paperback copy with a random bookmark (or one of your choosing) and some promotional business cards for the same price ($10*) email me @:<br />tepbiankord@protonmail.com<br /><br /><br />Summary:<br /><br />Tens of millions of years ago, when the first hominins were advancing out from their caves and evolving their predatory skills on the land and in the seas, a malevolent alien species was doing the same. Using their stolen technology to corrupt the first hominins’ genes with an extinction protocol in a means to get them to eliminate themselves entirely on their own. That species being the Malentians. An alien species who betrayed their host species and used their own technology, the Judex Sphera, against them. Sending one of their host species, the Judex Sapiens, to live on a barren alien planet. <br />Luckily, the Sagacians still remain to combat their conniving foes. They take advantage of their latest prototype, the Dominus Sphera, to always stay five steps ahead. Ensuring their enemies are always far more reactive than proactive. For their technology allows them to go both forward and backward in time. Instead of just forward like the Malentians’ Judex Sphera. Giving them all they need to always outdo their foes. Still, the Sagacians need to acquire the help of another apex species to entirely dominate their rivals. Meaning they both must retain obscurity as to not be caught.<br />Several times throughout the humans’ evolution, the Malentians have acted prematurely in their attempts to bring about the humans’ extinction. After each failure, they simply skip forward through time. At least until they reach a point millions of years in the future. A point where the humans’ technology is advanced enough to bring about their extinction once and for all. Such a point arrives in the twenty-first century of the Cenozoic Era. A point in which humanity is riddled with strife and corruption in all facets of their lives. Due primarily to the Malentians’ coding engrained in the first hominins.<br />With the ability to embody any being they choose, the Malentians go to town on their meat puppets. They aid the governments in their proliferation and in the destruction of the many various human species along with the planet. Doing anything necessary to bring their vile plans of mass sterilization and universal domination to fruition. By aiding a few government scientists in their creation of a biotech weapon, the Techie Bomb, their plans are all but complete. <br />All it takes is an uprising in one of the largest nations in the world, the United States of America, to trigger a series of events that brings about the humans’ extinction. Or so the Malentians had hoped. For less than a thousand humans survive The Great Bio War. Those being the ones who fled to the Wind River Ranges before the final bombardment ensued. It just so happens that the Sagacians left an amulet within the earth of what is now known as Yellowstone National Park in order to save humanity from the supervolcano beneath. <br />Instead of saving humanity from a planetary catastrophe, the amulet ends up saving humanity from naught but itself. Foiling the Malentians’ plans once more. Even though that may be the case, the malicious alien species still manages to gain a foothold in the new civilization the survivors build around Fiddlers Lake in Lander, Wyoming. First with a band of satanic cannibals that gets wiped out, then with a group called The Order that is formed after the battle. <br />The men that originally lead The Order are known as the Elders. They are three wise men whose prophecies always seem to come to fruition. That being because they are guided by the Sagacians. Whose advice guides them on their quest to start a New World. One free from the Malentians’ foul trickery.<br />A few years after its formation, once the survivors are living in harmony within their now tight-knit cabin city, the Elders escape their first assassination attempt by means of simply leaving the settlement unannounced. They leave in search of a secret military bunker located inside of Mount Chauvenet. A bunker in which they helped build. As well as program the machines still working inside. <br />It takes the Elders months of hardships to find their bunker. Mother Nature is certainly not on their side during their journey. Them having forgotten to print up a map before the disaster does not help matters either. Still, it takes them six months to come out victorious. But instead of going inside and getting lost in their work, they sleep under the stars outside of the entrance before venturing back to the settlement.<br />Upon their arrival in the outskirts of the settlement, they come to immediately regret their decision. As soon as they are spotted by patrolling Ordermen on horseback, they are beaten, hog-tied, and thrown into hempen sacks. They are then dragged to the cabins of the new leaders of The Order, the Top Three. Questioning ensues and the Elders’ lives are spared, for now. Madness soon engulfs the settlement and the date of their execution is set shortly thereafter.<br />Luckily, the Elders outsmart their captors once more and escape their demise. They then return to their secret bunker in order to initiate their plan. That being to liberate all of those with a mutated genetic code. One that gives them immunity to the Malentians’ evil. A plan they masterfully fulfill after three quarters of The Order’s citizens defect and join them in their secret bunker.<br />All of that is in the past now. Twenty years have passed since The Great Mutiny from Fiddlers Lake. Now the Elders wait for an ancient prophecy to be fulfilled. One in which the last mutineers from a lake civilization will appear. They will then team up with the Sagacians in a means to save the world by bringing it back to its former glory. Sans the interference of the Malentians and their evil protocols. <br />The Sagacians assure the Elders that it is only a matter of time before the Chosen arrive. Could the ominous breeze wafting through the valley be a sign of the coming prophecy? The clock is ticking. Is their time drawing near?<br /><br />Discover more by visiting:<br />thelastmutineers.com/home.html<br /><br /><br />I sincerely thank you for your time and wish you the best of days.<br />Please take care by following the way of Algiz. ᛉ<br />Protect yourself by self-educating while you still can.<br /><br />Periculum in mora.<br /><br />-<a class=\"u-url mention\" href=\"https://www.minds.com/Misanthromeme\" target=\"_blank\">@Misanthromeme</a><br /><br /><br />* If you wish to purchase a signed copy but do not have PayPal, I can do Crypto as well. Just let me know in the email.<br />With that being said, I know times are tough. If you are interested but do not have the money, shoot me an email and I will be more than willing to send you a signed copy for free. I just ask that in return you read through it in its entirety and write an honest review on Amazon.",
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"content": "Novissiman Mutinaers\nHello friend!\n\nAre you looking for a new science fiction book series to get into?\nWell, look no further! ‘The Last Mutineers’ will certainly sate your literary needs. Especially if you are interested in the topics expressed on this page. \n\nAre you curious as to when the corruption on Earth began or who is behind it all? What if this is greater than the Jewish Question? What if there is a far more sinister threat lurking in the cosmos utilizing the incestuous Neanderthalic tribe for their own benefit? Could they both be taken down at once for treason against all of mankind? One can only hope…\n\nFind out more by purchasing the first volume of the series titled, “Prequel”:\n\nPaperback ($10):\namazon.com/dp/0999035029\n\nKindle ($4 or Free w/ Kindle Unlimited):\namazon.com/dp/B074DH4QBM\n\nIf you would like a signed paperback copy with a random bookmark (or one of your choosing) and some promotional business cards for the same price ($10*) email me @:\ntepbiankord@protonmail.com\n\n\nSummary:\n\nTens of millions of years ago, when the first hominins were advancing out from their caves and evolving their predatory skills on the land and in the seas, a malevolent alien species was doing the same. Using their stolen technology to corrupt the first hominins’ genes with an extinction protocol in a means to get them to eliminate themselves entirely on their own. That species being the Malentians. An alien species who betrayed their host species and used their own technology, the Judex Sphera, against them. Sending one of their host species, the Judex Sapiens, to live on a barren alien planet. \nLuckily, the Sagacians still remain to combat their conniving foes. They take advantage of their latest prototype, the Dominus Sphera, to always stay five steps ahead. Ensuring their enemies are always far more reactive than proactive. For their technology allows them to go both forward and backward in time. Instead of just forward like the Malentians’ Judex Sphera. Giving them all they need to always outdo their foes. Still, the Sagacians need to acquire the help of another apex species to entirely dominate their rivals. Meaning they both must retain obscurity as to not be caught.\nSeveral times throughout the humans’ evolution, the Malentians have acted prematurely in their attempts to bring about the humans’ extinction. After each failure, they simply skip forward through time. At least until they reach a point millions of years in the future. A point where the humans’ technology is advanced enough to bring about their extinction once and for all. Such a point arrives in the twenty-first century of the Cenozoic Era. A point in which humanity is riddled with strife and corruption in all facets of their lives. Due primarily to the Malentians’ coding engrained in the first hominins.\nWith the ability to embody any being they choose, the Malentians go to town on their meat puppets. They aid the governments in their proliferation and in the destruction of the many various human species along with the planet. Doing anything necessary to bring their vile plans of mass sterilization and universal domination to fruition. By aiding a few government scientists in their creation of a biotech weapon, the Techie Bomb, their plans are all but complete. \nAll it takes is an uprising in one of the largest nations in the world, the United States of America, to trigger a series of events that brings about the humans’ extinction. Or so the Malentians had hoped. For less than a thousand humans survive The Great Bio War. Those being the ones who fled to the Wind River Ranges before the final bombardment ensued. It just so happens that the Sagacians left an amulet within the earth of what is now known as Yellowstone National Park in order to save humanity from the supervolcano beneath. \nInstead of saving humanity from a planetary catastrophe, the amulet ends up saving humanity from naught but itself. Foiling the Malentians’ plans once more. Even though that may be the case, the malicious alien species still manages to gain a foothold in the new civilization the survivors build around Fiddlers Lake in Lander, Wyoming. First with a band of satanic cannibals that gets wiped out, then with a group called The Order that is formed after the battle. \nThe men that originally lead The Order are known as the Elders. They are three wise men whose prophecies always seem to come to fruition. That being because they are guided by the Sagacians. Whose advice guides them on their quest to start a New World. One free from the Malentians’ foul trickery.\nA few years after its formation, once the survivors are living in harmony within their now tight-knit cabin city, the Elders escape their first assassination attempt by means of simply leaving the settlement unannounced. They leave in search of a secret military bunker located inside of Mount Chauvenet. A bunker in which they helped build. As well as program the machines still working inside. \nIt takes the Elders months of hardships to find their bunker. Mother Nature is certainly not on their side during their journey. Them having forgotten to print up a map before the disaster does not help matters either. Still, it takes them six months to come out victorious. But instead of going inside and getting lost in their work, they sleep under the stars outside of the entrance before venturing back to the settlement.\nUpon their arrival in the outskirts of the settlement, they come to immediately regret their decision. As soon as they are spotted by patrolling Ordermen on horseback, they are beaten, hog-tied, and thrown into hempen sacks. They are then dragged to the cabins of the new leaders of The Order, the Top Three. Questioning ensues and the Elders’ lives are spared, for now. Madness soon engulfs the settlement and the date of their execution is set shortly thereafter.\nLuckily, the Elders outsmart their captors once more and escape their demise. They then return to their secret bunker in order to initiate their plan. That being to liberate all of those with a mutated genetic code. One that gives them immunity to the Malentians’ evil. A plan they masterfully fulfill after three quarters of The Order’s citizens defect and join them in their secret bunker.\nAll of that is in the past now. Twenty years have passed since The Great Mutiny from Fiddlers Lake. Now the Elders wait for an ancient prophecy to be fulfilled. One in which the last mutineers from a lake civilization will appear. They will then team up with the Sagacians in a means to save the world by bringing it back to its former glory. Sans the interference of the Malentians and their evil protocols. \nThe Sagacians assure the Elders that it is only a matter of time before the Chosen arrive. Could the ominous breeze wafting through the valley be a sign of the coming prophecy? The clock is ticking. Is their time drawing near?\n\nDiscover more by visiting:\nthelastmutineers.com/home.html\n\n\nI sincerely thank you for your time and wish you the best of days.\nPlease take care by following the way of Algiz. ᛉ\nProtect yourself by self-educating while you still can.\n\nPericulum in mora.\n\n-@Misanthromeme\n\n\n* If you wish to purchase a signed copy but do not have PayPal, I can do Crypto as well. Just let me know in the email.\nWith that being said, I know times are tough. If you are interested but do not have the money, shoot me an email and I will be more than willing to send you a signed copy for free. I just ask that in return you read through it in its entirety and write an honest review on Amazon.",
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"content": "THIS IS BIG!!!<br /><br /><br /><br />International Common Law Commercial Claim Notice: A Proper Reading:<br />By Anna Von Reitz<br /><br />Continue at <a href=\"http://www.paulstramer.net/2023/08/international-common-law-commerical.html\" target=\"_blank\">http://www.paulstramer.net/2023/08/international-common-law-commerical.html</a><br /><br /><br />It used to be the custom that apprentice lawyers “read the law” as preparation for their chosen profession under the guidance of an established practitioner. Law was a trade established under the Guild system in Europe, not a profession, and every lawyer served as an apprentice. I am a rare and belated product of that system of tutelage, which, though uncommon in the modern day, has never failed to have its charms and advantages.<br /><br />I was greatly favored by fortune to study under two great men who were very accomplished Masters, who between them, had practiced American Common Law, British Equity Law, Maritime Law, Admiralty Law, Martial Law, Ecclesiastical and Canon Law, during their long and illustrious careers. So, while I am not and will never be a member of the Bar Association, I am well-educated and competent to render that rare thing: a proper reading of the law and history written as law.<br /><br />It will come as a surprise to many that some forms of history are written as law and use legals terms that an average person will be unaware of, so that the truth is hidden in plain sight--- easily accessible to lawyers, but conveniently hidden from the General Public. With the advantage of having a competent and willing interpreter at your side, let’s examine some key events in American History that were preserved by lawyers and written down in historical legalese:<br /><br />Quote and Fact: “Seven southern nation States of America walked out of the Second Session of the Thirty-sixth Congress on March 27, 1861.”<br /><br />Because it says, “States of America” and not “States”, we know that the entities represented were States-of-States, also known as Confederate States, that were members of the original Confederation formed by The Articles of Confederation in 1781, and we already know from other readings that this Confederation was the American Subcontractor awarded the Service Contract known as The Constitution for the united States of America in 1787.<br /><br />Also, because the odd construction “nation States” is used instead of “nation states” or “Nation States” we know that the entities operating these “Confederate States” were sovereign nations. In this case, the Union states were the sovereign nations operating the member organizations of the Confederation. For example, Florida was operating The State of Florida, and The State of Florida was a member of the original Confederation.<br /><br />All this additional information is instantly available to one who is trained to read the law and who can then also read history written as law.<br /><br />The Congress which adjourned Sine Die – meaning without a date to meet again, had to be the Congress of the States of America Confederation and not the Congress of the United States, nor the Congress of the United States of America.<br /><br />Why does this matter? Because…. There were three (3) original Federal Subcontractors, one American, one British, and one Holy Roman Empire organization, and we are now discussing how the lead Subcontractor in possession of the key contract, the original Federal Constitution issued in 1787, committed suicide. They just walked out and left the door wide open.<br /><br />On April 15, 1861, two weeks later, President Lincoln convened (a) Congress under the Executive branch by proclamation (Number 1): “I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Congress.”<br /><br />He doesn’t say which Constitution or which Congress he is convening, but we know….<br /><br />It cannot be the adjourned Congress of the States of America because Lincoln was not an officer, much less an Executive Officer of the States of America. He was literally prohibited from serving in any such capacity, because he was a Bar Attorney and The Constitution of the united States of America had been amended in 1819 by the ratification of the Titles of Nobility Amendment, sometimes known as the “missing” or “original” 13th Amendment, so that no Bar Member could hold an office in the American Confederation doing business as the States of America operating under The Constitution for the united States of America.<br /><br />No, the only Congress that Lincoln could convene was the Congress of the United States of America, Incorporated, the British Crown Corporation Subcontractor operating under The Constitution of the United States of America ---- and he would have to do that under Executive Power as the “President” of this foreign British Territorial Municipal Corporation.<br /><br />See the Switch? Let’s make this very explicit and plain:<br /><br />The Congress of the States of America Confederation, which was running the Federal Republic under The Constitution for the united States of America, adjourned, and didn’t come back into Session.<br /><br />This left a vacuum of power and an opportunity to usurp.<br /><br />Lincoln called another, different Congress, the “Congress” of the British Territorial United States of America, Incorporated, into Session.<br /><br />He could convene that “Congress” because he was President of that Corporation.<br /><br />So, Lincoln pulled a deft substitution fraud on the people of this country and replaced the Congress of the American Federal Subcontractor with the Congress of the British Territorial Subcontractor, instead.<br /><br />Our American Federal Government thus came under the control of a British Crown Corporation headed by Abraham Lincoln, a Bar Attorney holding allegiance to the then-Queen Victoria.<br /><br />Lincoln, by pulling this sleight of hand and appearing to convene the “missing” Congress, while in fact convening a different Congress entirely, proved to be one of the greatest con artists in history.<br /><br />Americans are still confused by this little parlor trick and virtually all assume that the American Congress operated in what they call “de jure” capacity prior to this, and then operated in what they call “de facto” capacity ever since --- but no, that’s not what happened.<br /><br />There were two (2) completely different Federal Subcontractors involved before and after these events: the original American Confederation of States operating as the States of America, was literally replaced by the British Crown Subcontractor operating as the United States of America, Incorporated.<br /><br />The mechanism was simple. The Confederation stopped functioning, so the British Territorial corporation moved in and started functioning in a capacity never intended for it.<br /><br />Lincoln repeatedly abused his position of trust.<br /><br />Lincoln wasn’t eligible to serve as President of the Confederation because the Titles of Nobility Amendment (TONA) had been ratified by the States in 1819, prohibiting Bar Attorneys from holding public offices in our American government. As a result, Lincoln had no Public Office in our government, but he was free as a bird to serve as “President” of a privately owned and operated foreign corporation, the United States of America, Incorporated.<br /><br />Lincoln, a Bar Attorney, deceptively occupied the office of President of the United States of America, Incorporated, a British Crown Corporation, and passed that foreign private corporation “presidency” off as the Public Office intended by, and owed to, the people of this country when they voted in the General Election of 1860.<br /><br />Lincoln and his supporters knew this and continued with the deception anyway. They operated under a “cloak of secrecy” then and their successors have continued to operate under a cloak of secrecy ever since. It was in this way that the Federal Republic owing allegiance to the American People was set aside and a substitute organization, a privately owned and operated British Crown Corporation, was stood up in its place.<br /><br />Having already betrayed the Public Trust by misrepresenting the nature of his “presidency”, Lincoln next usurped upon the American Federal Subcontractor, and put his own British Crown Corporation in the driver’s seat under his own Executive Power.<br /><br />Lincoln was occupying no American Public Office when he did this, nor at any other time during his “presidency”.<br /><br />His Administration and everything associated with it was a fraud in the nature of a Half-Truth.<br /><br />The United States of America, Incorporated, was a Federal Subcontractor operating under The Constitution of the United States of America, and Abraham Lincoln was its President. That much was true, and that did afford him an ability to legitimately exercise some limited and enumerated delegated powers.<br /><br />However, that constitutional contract did not afford Lincoln or any other British Crown Corporation \"President\" the sweeping powers he assumed on April 15th, 1861.<br /><br />Finally confronting the abject criminality of “Honest Abe” and his cohorts, we can now better understand the terrible consequences of the Mercenary Conflict, disguised as a Civil War, which followed.<br /><br />Let us notice that:<br /><br />(1) Our American Federal Republic was undermined by infighting among the State-of-State organizations that were members of the original Confederation established in 1781. If they had simply stood together and exposed Lincoln's charade, the so-called Civil War and the usurpation of our American Government by British Commercial Interests, would never have happened;<br /><br />(2) The Confederation in possession of The Constitution for the united States of America was vacated by its own members, never dissolved nor overcome by any act of war. The re-establishment of the Federal Republic only requires each State of the Union to reconstruct its own State-of-State organization and send delegates charged with the responsibility of running the Federal Republic to Washington, DC.<br /><br />(3) Nothing that Lincoln did was credible. It was all in the nature of a deliberate fraud scheme based on half-truths and semantic deceits based on similar names and substitutions of Public Offices for private offices. As this entire history was begun in fraud, it ends as fraud and is null and void as if it never was.<br /><br />(4) The cloak of secrecy about all of this was provided by members of the Bar Associations preying upon the ignorance of the General Public and the inability of the General Public to read law and history written in the form of law. For one population, the lawyers among us, the entire circumstance is plain as day and always has been. They failed their Public Duty as Americans to reveal this dire usurpation, for the simple reason that virtually all of them are Bar Association members, and as Bar Association members, they owe allegiance to the British Crown. It was this conflict of interest which motivated the Americans to enact the Titles of Nobility Amendment and to attach it to The Constitution for the united States of America in the first place.<br /><br />I am not a Bar Member. I have dishonored no contract, broken no Oath, and disavowed no allegiance by telling you what all this means in plain English.<br /><br />(5) As Lincoln occupied no Public Office in the American Government, his actions including his Administration of the entire so-called Civil War can have no valid impact upon us, and results in no indebtedness for us, unless we count actions such as the final surrender of the CSS Shenandoah, taking place on the High Seas and Navigable Inland Waterways, that would have naturally fallen under the delegated powers that were assigned by The Constitution of the United States of America.<br /><br />(6) All the debts and all the usurpations that we and our Government have suffered at the hands of these British Con Artists are due and owing redress from the British Monarch and the Lord Mayor of the Inner City of London. Lincoln and his Successors have been under contract to render Americans good faith service the entire time, and by both word and deed, they have defaulted and dishonored their obligations and defrauded us. They have organized an unauthorized foreign military district court system on our land and soil and used this to practice personage against their faithful employers, turning what should be an institution of justice into a den of thieves intent on illegal confiscation of American property for 158 years.<br /><br />(7) The long dormant American Government has awakened and our States of the Union are now in General Assembly throughout the country. The British Government and Crown are making a feeble attempt to pull yet another substitution fraud, by offering to send their Operatives into our Assemblies to disrupt our progress and to occupy our Federal Republic \"for\" us --- offers which we have firmly refused.<br /><br />(8) Owing to the many decades that these British Commercial Interests have been enabled to act under color of law while carrying out their despicable acts of terror and despotism \"in our names\", they have accrued an insurmountable debt to the American People, and so these Corporations and their franchises stand foreclosed. We require the assistance of all right-thinking people, all peacekeepers, all valid law enforcement agencies, and all allied and friendly sovereign governments to recoup control of our Good Names, our physical assets, and credit.<br /><br />(9) The banks of the world also bear responsibility for the inculcation and preservation of the Cloak of Secrecy protecting this Great Fraud against the American People and many other sovereign nations and peoples. The Bank of England is especially implicated, together with the various iterations of Federal Reserve Banks, the Swiss Octagon Group, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, together with their associated Insurers and Underwriters. This immense fraud against the lawful governments and living people could never have happened without the willing assistance of the banks as accomplices to the Crimes of State involved.<br /><br />(10) On April 25th 1863 Abraham Lincoln bankrupted his British Crown Corporation operating as the United States of America, Incorporated.<br /><br />Five years later, 1868, another British Crown Corporation organized in Scotland and doing-business-as The United States of America (Incorporated) booted up, and the banks allowed this foreign impersonator to access the credit owed to our unincorporated Federation of States, The United States of America.<br /><br />They instituted the Greenbacks Scheme, by which they created a new investment instrument, a Treasury Bond payable in either 10 year or 40 year version, but in order for investors to buy this particular investment, they had to first exchange their gold for Lincoln's Greenbacks and then pay for the Treasury Bonds in Greenbacks. The investors understood that they would be repaid after 10 or 40 years with gold plus interest, however, when the Treasury Bonds came due, General William \"Tecumseh\" Sherman refused to pay in gold, saying, famously, --- \"What did you use to buy these bonds? Greenbacks. So why would you demand repayment in gold?<br /><br />Thus millions of mostly American investors were defrauded out of their gold and suckered into investing in Greenbacks instead of the gold-backed investment bonds they imagined were on offer. The gold-backed Treasury Bonds (unknowingly backed by the defrauded private investors themselves) were nonetheless due. By 1906 this goose was nicely cooked and \"The United States of America\" Incorporated in Scotland was forced into bankruptcy -- with the result that the American people were again forced to pay the bill for these criminals.<br /><br />(11) On Christmas Eve, 1913, as that bankruptcy was settling, the Successors to that Corporation operating as, again, the United States of America, Inc., engineered the installation of a fiat money scheme based on the issuance of our credit against us and against our best interests; they also misappropriated the seigniorage owed to ourselves as the actual Underwriters. This action resulted in labor being used as the asset underlying the currency and a system of debt slavery being imposed on this country by and through Principals owing us good faith service.<br /><br />(12) On March 6th 1933, Franklin Delano Roosevelt announced to the Conference of British Territorial Governors, that \"the United States of America (Incorporated) is bankrupt!\" --- and the cost of that bankruptcy would again be passed off onto the American populace as the presumed Underwriters and Guarantors of all the spending that these British Crown usurpers were doing \"for\" us and in our names, as preparation for their latest war-for-profit scheme-- the Second World War.<br /><br />In concert with this, the same Crown Corporation interests were obliged to issue and publish a fixed exchange rate by which they proposed to exchange one of their I.O.U.s predicated on labor performance in the future for one American Silver Dollar. In this way they received the bulk of our silver currency in inequitable exchange for their promised future performances and acquired an exchangeable debt amounting to trillions of ounces of fine silver, payable on demand. They simply never thought that someone with standing to make the demand would make it, but here I am.<br /><br />cont..........<br /><br />Issued by: Anna Maria Riezinger, Fiduciary<br /><br />The United States of America<br /><br />In care of: Box 520994<br /><br />Big Lake, Alaska 99652<br /><br />August 7th 2023",
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"content": "THIS IS BIG!!!\n\n\n\nInternational Common Law Commercial Claim Notice: A Proper Reading:\nBy Anna Von Reitz\n\nContinue at http://www.paulstramer.net/2023/08/international-common-law-commerical.html\n\n\nIt used to be the custom that apprentice lawyers “read the law” as preparation for their chosen profession under the guidance of an established practitioner. Law was a trade established under the Guild system in Europe, not a profession, and every lawyer served as an apprentice. I am a rare and belated product of that system of tutelage, which, though uncommon in the modern day, has never failed to have its charms and advantages.\n\nI was greatly favored by fortune to study under two great men who were very accomplished Masters, who between them, had practiced American Common Law, British Equity Law, Maritime Law, Admiralty Law, Martial Law, Ecclesiastical and Canon Law, during their long and illustrious careers. So, while I am not and will never be a member of the Bar Association, I am well-educated and competent to render that rare thing: a proper reading of the law and history written as law.\n\nIt will come as a surprise to many that some forms of history are written as law and use legals terms that an average person will be unaware of, so that the truth is hidden in plain sight--- easily accessible to lawyers, but conveniently hidden from the General Public. With the advantage of having a competent and willing interpreter at your side, let’s examine some key events in American History that were preserved by lawyers and written down in historical legalese:\n\nQuote and Fact: “Seven southern nation States of America walked out of the Second Session of the Thirty-sixth Congress on March 27, 1861.”\n\nBecause it says, “States of America” and not “States”, we know that the entities represented were States-of-States, also known as Confederate States, that were members of the original Confederation formed by The Articles of Confederation in 1781, and we already know from other readings that this Confederation was the American Subcontractor awarded the Service Contract known as The Constitution for the united States of America in 1787.\n\nAlso, because the odd construction “nation States” is used instead of “nation states” or “Nation States” we know that the entities operating these “Confederate States” were sovereign nations. In this case, the Union states were the sovereign nations operating the member organizations of the Confederation. For example, Florida was operating The State of Florida, and The State of Florida was a member of the original Confederation.\n\nAll this additional information is instantly available to one who is trained to read the law and who can then also read history written as law.\n\nThe Congress which adjourned Sine Die – meaning without a date to meet again, had to be the Congress of the States of America Confederation and not the Congress of the United States, nor the Congress of the United States of America.\n\nWhy does this matter? Because…. There were three (3) original Federal Subcontractors, one American, one British, and one Holy Roman Empire organization, and we are now discussing how the lead Subcontractor in possession of the key contract, the original Federal Constitution issued in 1787, committed suicide. They just walked out and left the door wide open.\n\nOn April 15, 1861, two weeks later, President Lincoln convened (a) Congress under the Executive branch by proclamation (Number 1): “I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Congress.”\n\nHe doesn’t say which Constitution or which Congress he is convening, but we know….\n\nIt cannot be the adjourned Congress of the States of America because Lincoln was not an officer, much less an Executive Officer of the States of America. He was literally prohibited from serving in any such capacity, because he was a Bar Attorney and The Constitution of the united States of America had been amended in 1819 by the ratification of the Titles of Nobility Amendment, sometimes known as the “missing” or “original” 13th Amendment, so that no Bar Member could hold an office in the American Confederation doing business as the States of America operating under The Constitution for the united States of America.\n\nNo, the only Congress that Lincoln could convene was the Congress of the United States of America, Incorporated, the British Crown Corporation Subcontractor operating under The Constitution of the United States of America ---- and he would have to do that under Executive Power as the “President” of this foreign British Territorial Municipal Corporation.\n\nSee the Switch? Let’s make this very explicit and plain:\n\nThe Congress of the States of America Confederation, which was running the Federal Republic under The Constitution for the united States of America, adjourned, and didn’t come back into Session.\n\nThis left a vacuum of power and an opportunity to usurp.\n\nLincoln called another, different Congress, the “Congress” of the British Territorial United States of America, Incorporated, into Session.\n\nHe could convene that “Congress” because he was President of that Corporation.\n\nSo, Lincoln pulled a deft substitution fraud on the people of this country and replaced the Congress of the American Federal Subcontractor with the Congress of the British Territorial Subcontractor, instead.\n\nOur American Federal Government thus came under the control of a British Crown Corporation headed by Abraham Lincoln, a Bar Attorney holding allegiance to the then-Queen Victoria.\n\nLincoln, by pulling this sleight of hand and appearing to convene the “missing” Congress, while in fact convening a different Congress entirely, proved to be one of the greatest con artists in history.\n\nAmericans are still confused by this little parlor trick and virtually all assume that the American Congress operated in what they call “de jure” capacity prior to this, and then operated in what they call “de facto” capacity ever since --- but no, that’s not what happened.\n\nThere were two (2) completely different Federal Subcontractors involved before and after these events: the original American Confederation of States operating as the States of America, was literally replaced by the British Crown Subcontractor operating as the United States of America, Incorporated.\n\nThe mechanism was simple. The Confederation stopped functioning, so the British Territorial corporation moved in and started functioning in a capacity never intended for it.\n\nLincoln repeatedly abused his position of trust.\n\nLincoln wasn’t eligible to serve as President of the Confederation because the Titles of Nobility Amendment (TONA) had been ratified by the States in 1819, prohibiting Bar Attorneys from holding public offices in our American government. As a result, Lincoln had no Public Office in our government, but he was free as a bird to serve as “President” of a privately owned and operated foreign corporation, the United States of America, Incorporated.\n\nLincoln, a Bar Attorney, deceptively occupied the office of President of the United States of America, Incorporated, a British Crown Corporation, and passed that foreign private corporation “presidency” off as the Public Office intended by, and owed to, the people of this country when they voted in the General Election of 1860.\n\nLincoln and his supporters knew this and continued with the deception anyway. They operated under a “cloak of secrecy” then and their successors have continued to operate under a cloak of secrecy ever since. It was in this way that the Federal Republic owing allegiance to the American People was set aside and a substitute organization, a privately owned and operated British Crown Corporation, was stood up in its place.\n\nHaving already betrayed the Public Trust by misrepresenting the nature of his “presidency”, Lincoln next usurped upon the American Federal Subcontractor, and put his own British Crown Corporation in the driver’s seat under his own Executive Power.\n\nLincoln was occupying no American Public Office when he did this, nor at any other time during his “presidency”.\n\nHis Administration and everything associated with it was a fraud in the nature of a Half-Truth.\n\nThe United States of America, Incorporated, was a Federal Subcontractor operating under The Constitution of the United States of America, and Abraham Lincoln was its President. That much was true, and that did afford him an ability to legitimately exercise some limited and enumerated delegated powers.\n\nHowever, that constitutional contract did not afford Lincoln or any other British Crown Corporation \"President\" the sweeping powers he assumed on April 15th, 1861.\n\nFinally confronting the abject criminality of “Honest Abe” and his cohorts, we can now better understand the terrible consequences of the Mercenary Conflict, disguised as a Civil War, which followed.\n\nLet us notice that:\n\n(1) Our American Federal Republic was undermined by infighting among the State-of-State organizations that were members of the original Confederation established in 1781. If they had simply stood together and exposed Lincoln's charade, the so-called Civil War and the usurpation of our American Government by British Commercial Interests, would never have happened;\n\n(2) The Confederation in possession of The Constitution for the united States of America was vacated by its own members, never dissolved nor overcome by any act of war. The re-establishment of the Federal Republic only requires each State of the Union to reconstruct its own State-of-State organization and send delegates charged with the responsibility of running the Federal Republic to Washington, DC.\n\n(3) Nothing that Lincoln did was credible. It was all in the nature of a deliberate fraud scheme based on half-truths and semantic deceits based on similar names and substitutions of Public Offices for private offices. As this entire history was begun in fraud, it ends as fraud and is null and void as if it never was.\n\n(4) The cloak of secrecy about all of this was provided by members of the Bar Associations preying upon the ignorance of the General Public and the inability of the General Public to read law and history written in the form of law. For one population, the lawyers among us, the entire circumstance is plain as day and always has been. They failed their Public Duty as Americans to reveal this dire usurpation, for the simple reason that virtually all of them are Bar Association members, and as Bar Association members, they owe allegiance to the British Crown. It was this conflict of interest which motivated the Americans to enact the Titles of Nobility Amendment and to attach it to The Constitution for the united States of America in the first place.\n\nI am not a Bar Member. I have dishonored no contract, broken no Oath, and disavowed no allegiance by telling you what all this means in plain English.\n\n(5) As Lincoln occupied no Public Office in the American Government, his actions including his Administration of the entire so-called Civil War can have no valid impact upon us, and results in no indebtedness for us, unless we count actions such as the final surrender of the CSS Shenandoah, taking place on the High Seas and Navigable Inland Waterways, that would have naturally fallen under the delegated powers that were assigned by The Constitution of the United States of America.\n\n(6) All the debts and all the usurpations that we and our Government have suffered at the hands of these British Con Artists are due and owing redress from the British Monarch and the Lord Mayor of the Inner City of London. Lincoln and his Successors have been under contract to render Americans good faith service the entire time, and by both word and deed, they have defaulted and dishonored their obligations and defrauded us. They have organized an unauthorized foreign military district court system on our land and soil and used this to practice personage against their faithful employers, turning what should be an institution of justice into a den of thieves intent on illegal confiscation of American property for 158 years.\n\n(7) The long dormant American Government has awakened and our States of the Union are now in General Assembly throughout the country. The British Government and Crown are making a feeble attempt to pull yet another substitution fraud, by offering to send their Operatives into our Assemblies to disrupt our progress and to occupy our Federal Republic \"for\" us --- offers which we have firmly refused.\n\n(8) Owing to the many decades that these British Commercial Interests have been enabled to act under color of law while carrying out their despicable acts of terror and despotism \"in our names\", they have accrued an insurmountable debt to the American People, and so these Corporations and their franchises stand foreclosed. We require the assistance of all right-thinking people, all peacekeepers, all valid law enforcement agencies, and all allied and friendly sovereign governments to recoup control of our Good Names, our physical assets, and credit.\n\n(9) The banks of the world also bear responsibility for the inculcation and preservation of the Cloak of Secrecy protecting this Great Fraud against the American People and many other sovereign nations and peoples. The Bank of England is especially implicated, together with the various iterations of Federal Reserve Banks, the Swiss Octagon Group, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, together with their associated Insurers and Underwriters. This immense fraud against the lawful governments and living people could never have happened without the willing assistance of the banks as accomplices to the Crimes of State involved.\n\n(10) On April 25th 1863 Abraham Lincoln bankrupted his British Crown Corporation operating as the United States of America, Incorporated.\n\nFive years later, 1868, another British Crown Corporation organized in Scotland and doing-business-as The United States of America (Incorporated) booted up, and the banks allowed this foreign impersonator to access the credit owed to our unincorporated Federation of States, The United States of America.\n\nThey instituted the Greenbacks Scheme, by which they created a new investment instrument, a Treasury Bond payable in either 10 year or 40 year version, but in order for investors to buy this particular investment, they had to first exchange their gold for Lincoln's Greenbacks and then pay for the Treasury Bonds in Greenbacks. The investors understood that they would be repaid after 10 or 40 years with gold plus interest, however, when the Treasury Bonds came due, General William \"Tecumseh\" Sherman refused to pay in gold, saying, famously, --- \"What did you use to buy these bonds? Greenbacks. So why would you demand repayment in gold?\n\nThus millions of mostly American investors were defrauded out of their gold and suckered into investing in Greenbacks instead of the gold-backed investment bonds they imagined were on offer. The gold-backed Treasury Bonds (unknowingly backed by the defrauded private investors themselves) were nonetheless due. By 1906 this goose was nicely cooked and \"The United States of America\" Incorporated in Scotland was forced into bankruptcy -- with the result that the American people were again forced to pay the bill for these criminals.\n\n(11) On Christmas Eve, 1913, as that bankruptcy was settling, the Successors to that Corporation operating as, again, the United States of America, Inc., engineered the installation of a fiat money scheme based on the issuance of our credit against us and against our best interests; they also misappropriated the seigniorage owed to ourselves as the actual Underwriters. This action resulted in labor being used as the asset underlying the currency and a system of debt slavery being imposed on this country by and through Principals owing us good faith service.\n\n(12) On March 6th 1933, Franklin Delano Roosevelt announced to the Conference of British Territorial Governors, that \"the United States of America (Incorporated) is bankrupt!\" --- and the cost of that bankruptcy would again be passed off onto the American populace as the presumed Underwriters and Guarantors of all the spending that these British Crown usurpers were doing \"for\" us and in our names, as preparation for their latest war-for-profit scheme-- the Second World War.\n\nIn concert with this, the same Crown Corporation interests were obliged to issue and publish a fixed exchange rate by which they proposed to exchange one of their I.O.U.s predicated on labor performance in the future for one American Silver Dollar. In this way they received the bulk of our silver currency in inequitable exchange for their promised future performances and acquired an exchangeable debt amounting to trillions of ounces of fine silver, payable on demand. They simply never thought that someone with standing to make the demand would make it, but here I am.\n\ncont..........\n\nIssued by: Anna Maria Riezinger, Fiduciary\n\nThe United States of America\n\nIn care of: Box 520994\n\nBig Lake, Alaska 99652\n\nAugust 7th 2023",
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"content": "3) Thomas Jefferson (1801-1809) (Democratic-Republican):<br /><br />“Many of the laws which were in force during the monarchy were relative merely to that form of government, or inculcating principles inconsistent with republicanism. The first assembly which met after the establishment of the commonwealth appointed a committee to revise the whole code, to reduce it into proper form and volume, and report it to the assembly. This work has been executed by three gentlemen, and reported; but probably will not be taken up till a restoration of peace shall leave to the legislature leisure to go through such a work.<br /><br />The plan of the revisal was this. The common law of England, by which is meant, that part of the English law which was anterior to the date of the oldest statutes extant, is made the basis of the work. It was thought dangerous to attempt to reduce it to a text. It was therefore left to be collected from the usual monuments of it. Necessary alterations in that, and so much of the whole body of the British statutes, and of acts of assembly as were thought proper to be retained, were digested into 126 new acts; in which simplicity of stile was aimed at, as far as was safe.<br /><br />The following are the most remarkable alterations proposed:<br /><br />+ To change the rules of descent. So as that the lands of any person’s dying intestate shall be divisible equally among all of his children, or other representatives, in equal degree.<br /><br />+ To make slaves distributable among the next of kin, as other movables.<br /><br />+ To have all public expenses, whether of the general treasury or of a parish or county, (as for the maintenance of the poor, building bridges, court-houses, etc.) supplied by assessments on the citizens, in proportion to their property.<br /><br />+ To hire undertakers for keeping the public roads in repair and indemnify individuals through whose lands new roads shall be opened.<br /><br />+ To define with precision the rules whereby aliens should become citizens, and citizens make themselves aliens.<br /><br />+ To establish religious freedom on the broadest bottom.<br /><br />+++ To emancipate all slaves born after passing the act.<br />The bill reported by the revisers does not itself contain this proposition; but an amendment containing it was prepared, to be offered to the legislature whenever the bill should be taken up, and further directing, that they should continue with their parents to a certain age, then be brought up at the public expense to tillage, arts, or sciences, according to their geniuses, till the females should be eighteen, and the males twenty-one years of age. When they should be colonized to such place as the circumstances of the time should render most proper, sending them out with arms, implements of household, and of the handicraft arts, feeds, pairs of the useful domestic animals, and to declare them a free and independent people, and extend to them our alliance and protection, till they shall have acquired strength; and to send vessels at the same time to other parts of the world for an equal number of white inhabitants; to induce whom to migrate hither. Proper encouragements were to be proposed.<br /><br />It will probably be asked; “Why not retain and incorporate the blacks into the state, and thus save the expense of supplying, by importation of white settlers, the vacancies they will leave?”. Deep-rooted prejudices entertained by the whites; ten thousand recollections by the blacks, of the injuries they have sustained; new provocations; the real distinctions which nature has made; and many other circumstances, will divide us into parties and produce convulsions which will probably never end but in the extermination of the one or the other race.<br /><br />— To these objections, which are political, may be added others, which are physical and moral.<br /><br />The first difference which strikes us is that of color. Whether the black of the negro resides in the reticular membrane between the skin and scarf-skin, or in the scarf-skin itself; whether it proceeds from the color of the blood, the color of the bile, or from that of some other secretion, the difference is fixed in nature, and is as real as if its seat and cause were better known to us. And is this difference of no importance? Is it not the foundation of a greater or less share of beauty in the two races? Are not the fine mixtures of red and white, the expressions of every passion by greater or less suffusions of color in the one, preferable to that eternal monotony, which reigns in the countenances, that immoveable veil of black which covers all the emotions of the other race?<br /><br />Add to these, flowing hair, a more elegant symmetry of form, their own judgment in favor of the whites, declared by their preference of them, as uniformly as is the preference of the orangutan for the black women over those of his own species. The circumstance of superior beauty is thought worthy attention in the propagation of our horses, dogs, and other domestic animals. Why not in that of man? Besides those of color, figure, and hair, there are other physical distinctions proving a difference of race.<br /><br />They have less hair on the face and body. They secrete less by the kidneys and more by the glands of the skin, which gives them a very strong and disagreeable odor. This greater degree of transpiration renders them more tolerant of heat, and less so of cold than the whites. Perhaps to a difference of structure in the pulmonary apparatus, which a late ingenious experimentalist has discovered to be the principal regulator of animal heat, may have disabled them from extricating, in the act of inspiration, so much of that fluid from the outer air, or obliged them in expiration, to part with more of it. They seem to require less sleep. A black after hard labor through the day will be induced by the slightest amusements to sit up till midnight, or later, though knowing he must be out with the first dawn of the morning. They are at least as brave and more adventuresome. But this may perhaps proceed from a want of forethought, which prevents their seeing a danger till it be present. When present, they do not go through it with more coolness or steadiness than the whites. They are more ardent after their female. But love seems with them to be more an eager desire than a tender delicate mixture of sentiment and sensation. Their griefs are transient. Those numberless afflictions, which render it doubtful whether heaven has given life to us in mercy or in wrath, are less felt and sooner forgotten with them.<br /><br />In general, their existence appears to participate more of sensation than reflection. To this must be ascribed their disposition to sleep when abstracted from their diversions, and unemployed in labor. An animal whose body is at rest, and who does not reflect, must be disposed to sleep of course. Comparing them by their faculties of memory, reason, and imagination, it appears to me that in memory they are equal to the whites; in reason much inferior. As I think one could scarcely be found capable of tracing and comprehending the investigations of Euclid; and that in imagination they are dull, tasteless, and anomalous.<br /><br />It would be unfair to follow them to Africa for this investigation. We will consider them here, on the same stage with the whites, and where the facts are not apocryphal on which a judgment is to be formed. It will be right to make great allowances for the difference of condition, of education, of conversation, of the sphere in which they move. Many millions of them have been brought to, and born in America. Most of them indeed have been confined to tillage, to their own homes, and their own society. Yet, many have been so situated that they might have availed themselves of the conversation of their masters. Many have been brought up to the handicraft arts and from that circumstance have always been associated with the whites. Some have been liberally educated, and all have lived in countries where the arts and sciences are cultivated to a considerable degree and have had before their eyes sample of the best works from abroad.<br /><br />The Indians, with no advantages of this kind, will often carve figures on their pipes not destitute of design and merit. They will crayon out an animal, a plant, or a country, so as to prove the existence of a germ in their minds which only wants cultivation. They astonish you with strokes of the most sublime oratory; such as prove their reason and sentiment strong, their imagination glowing and elevated. But never yet could I find that a black had uttered a thought above the level of plain narration. I have never seen even an elementary trait of painting or sculpture. In music they are more generally gifted than the whites with accurate ears for tune and time, and they have been found capable of imagining a small catch. Whether they will be equal to the composition of a more extensive run of melody, or of complicated harmony, is yet to be proved.<br /><br />Misery is often the parent of the most affecting touches in poetry.<br /><br />— Among the blacks is misery enough, God knows, but no poetry. Love is the peculiar oestrum of the poet. Their love is ardent, but it kindles the senses only; not the imagination. Religion indeed has produced a Phyllis Whately; but it could not produce a poet. The compositions published under her name are below the dignity of criticism. The heroes of the Dunciad are to her, as Hercules to the author of that poem. Ignatius Sancho has approached nearer to merit in composition; yet his letters do more honor to the heart than the head. They breathe the purest effusions of friendship and general philanthropy, and shew how great a degree of the latter may be compounded with strong religious zeal. He is often happy in the turn of his compliments, and his stile is easy and familiar, except when he affects a Shandean fabrication of words. But his imagination is wild and extravagant, escapes incessantly from every restraint of reason and taste, and, in the course of its vagaries, leaves a tract of thought as incoherent and eccentric, as is the course of a meteor through the sky. His subjects should often have led him to a process of sober reasoning: yet we find him always substituting sentiment for demonstration. Upon the whole, though we admit him to the first place among those of his own color who have presented themselves to the public judgment, yet when we compare him with the writers of the race among whom he lived, and particularly with the epistolary class in which he has taken his own stand, we are compelled to enroll him at the bottom of the column. This criticism supposes the letters published under his name to be genuine, and to have received amendment from no other hand. Points which would not be of easy investigation.<br /><br />The improvement of the blacks in body and mind, in the first instance of their mixture with the whites, has been observed by everyone, and proves that their inferiority is not the effect merely of their condition of life. We know that among the Romans, about the Augustan age especially, the condition of their slaves was much more deplorable than that of the blacks on the continent of America. The two sexes were confined in separate apartments, because to raise a child cost the master more than to buy one. Cato, for a very restricted indulgence to his slaves in this particular, took from them a certain price. But in this country the slaves multiply as fast as the free inhabitants. Their situation and manners place the commerce between the two sexes almost without restraint.<br /><br />— The same Cato, on a principle of economy, always sold his sick and superannuated slaves. He gives it as a standing precept to a master visiting his farm to sell his old oxen, old wagons, old tools, old and diseased servants, and everything else become useless. The American slaves cannot enumerate this among the injuries and insults they receive. It was the common practice to expose in the island of Aesculapius, in the Tyber, diseased slaves, whose cure was like to become tedious. The Emperor Claudius, by an edict, gave freedom to such of them as should recover, and first declared that if any person chose to kill rather than to expose them, it should be deemed homicide. The exposing them is a crime of which no instance has existed with us; and were it to be followed by death, it would be punished capitally. We are told of a certain Vedius Pollio, who, in the presence of Augustus, would have given a slave as food to his fish for having broken a glass. With the Romans, the regular method of taking the evidence of their slaves was under torture. Here it has been thought better never to resort to their evidence. When a master was murdered, all his slaves, in the same house, or within hearing, were condemned to death. Here punishment falls on the guilty only, and as precise proof is required against him as against a freeman.<br /><br />Yet notwithstanding these and other discouraging circumstances among the Romans, their slaves were often their rarest artists. They excelled too in science insomuch as to be usually employed as tutors to their master's children. Epictetus, Terence, and Phaedrus, were slaves. But they were of the race of whites. It is not their condition then, but nature, which has produced the distinction.<br /><br />— Whether further observation will or will not verify the conjecture that nature has been less bountiful to them in the endowments of the head, I believe that in those of the heart she will be found to have done them justice. That disposition to theft with which they have been branded must be ascribed to their situation, and not to any depravity of the moral sense. The man in whose favor no laws of property exist, probably feels himself less bound to respect those made in favor of others. When arguing for ourselves, we lay it down as a fundamental, that laws, to be just, must give a reciprocation of right. That, without this, they are mere arbitrary rules of conduct. Founded in force, and not in conscience. And it is a problem which I give to the master to solve. Whether the religious precepts against the violation of property were not framed for him as well as his slave? And whether the slave may not as justifiably take a little from one, who has taken all from him, as he may slay one who would slay him? That a change in the relations in which a man is placed should change his ideas of moral right and wrong, is neither new, nor peculiar to the color of the blacks.<br />Notwithstanding these considerations which must weaken their respect for the laws of property, we find among them numerous instances of the most rigid integrity, and as many as among their better instructed masters of benevolence, gratitude, and unshaken fidelity.<br /><br />— The opinion that they are inferior in the faculties of reason and imagination must be hazarded with great diffidence. To justify a general conclusion requires many observations. Even where the subject may be submitted to the Anatomical knife, to Optical glasses, to analysis by fire, or by solvents. How much more then where it is a faculty, not a substance, we are examining; where it eludes the research of all the senses; where the conditions of its existence are various and variously combined; where the effects of those which are present or absent bid defiance to calculation; let me add too, as a circumstance of great tenderness, where our conclusion would degrade a whole race of men from the rank in the scale of beings which their Creator may perhaps have given them.\"<br /><br /><br />Text in Picture/Back of Shirt:<br /><br />\"To our reproach it must be said that though for a century and a half we have had under our eyes the races of black and of red men, they have never yet been viewed by us as subjects of natural history. I advance it therefore as a suspicion only that the blacks, whether originally a distinct race, or made distinct by time and circumstances, are inferior to the whites in the endowments both of body and mind. It is not against experience to suppose that different species of the same genus, or varieties of the same species, may possess different qualifications. Will not a lover of natural history then, one who views the gradations in all the races of animals with the eye of philosophy, excuse an effort to keep those in the department of man as distinct as nature has formed them?<br /><br />This unfortunate difference of color and perhaps of faculty, is a powerful obstacle to the emancipation of these people. Many of their advocates, while they wish to vindicate the liberty of human nature, are anxious also to preserve its dignity and beauty. Some of these, who are embarrassed by the question; “What further is to be done with them?”, join themselves in opposition with those who are actuated by sordid avarice only.<br /><br />Among the Romans emancipation required but one effort. The slave, when made free, might mix with, without staining the blood of his master. But with us a second is necessary, unknown to history. When freed, he is to be removed beyond the reach of mixture.”<br /><br /><br />-Thomas Jefferson<br />Notes on the State of Virginia [Pages 226-240]<br />1787<br /><br /><br />Source:<br /><a href=\"https://static.lib.virginia.edu/rmds/tj/notes/index.html\" target=\"_blank\">https://static.lib.virginia.edu/rmds/tj/notes/index.html</a><br />[Selections: |289-304| & |305-320|]<br /><br />Image Source:<br /><a href=\"https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/1e/Thomas_Jefferson_by_Rembrandt_Peale,_1800.jpg\" target=\"_blank\">https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/1e/Thomas_Jefferson_by_Rembrandt_Peale,_1800.jpg</a><br />“Thomas Jefferson” by Rembrandt Peale [1800]<br /><br />Presidential Videos:<br />Part I “dies independentiae”:<br /><a href=\"https://www.brighteon.com/0ba07ca4-7485-4bae-923c-8c2ba16f765d\" target=\"_blank\">https://www.brighteon.com/0ba07ca4-7485-4bae-923c-8c2ba16f765d</a><br />Part II “no quarta”:<br />brighteon.com/6dc75fbd-da61-4f8c-80e2-a16cda910657<br /><br />Apparel:<br /><a href=\"https://www.teespring.com/Prezid03\" target=\"_blank\">https://www.teespring.com/Prezid03</a>",
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"content": "3) Thomas Jefferson (1801-1809) (Democratic-Republican):\n\n“Many of the laws which were in force during the monarchy were relative merely to that form of government, or inculcating principles inconsistent with republicanism. The first assembly which met after the establishment of the commonwealth appointed a committee to revise the whole code, to reduce it into proper form and volume, and report it to the assembly. This work has been executed by three gentlemen, and reported; but probably will not be taken up till a restoration of peace shall leave to the legislature leisure to go through such a work.\n\nThe plan of the revisal was this. The common law of England, by which is meant, that part of the English law which was anterior to the date of the oldest statutes extant, is made the basis of the work. It was thought dangerous to attempt to reduce it to a text. It was therefore left to be collected from the usual monuments of it. Necessary alterations in that, and so much of the whole body of the British statutes, and of acts of assembly as were thought proper to be retained, were digested into 126 new acts; in which simplicity of stile was aimed at, as far as was safe.\n\nThe following are the most remarkable alterations proposed:\n\n+ To change the rules of descent. So as that the lands of any person’s dying intestate shall be divisible equally among all of his children, or other representatives, in equal degree.\n\n+ To make slaves distributable among the next of kin, as other movables.\n\n+ To have all public expenses, whether of the general treasury or of a parish or county, (as for the maintenance of the poor, building bridges, court-houses, etc.) supplied by assessments on the citizens, in proportion to their property.\n\n+ To hire undertakers for keeping the public roads in repair and indemnify individuals through whose lands new roads shall be opened.\n\n+ To define with precision the rules whereby aliens should become citizens, and citizens make themselves aliens.\n\n+ To establish religious freedom on the broadest bottom.\n\n+++ To emancipate all slaves born after passing the act.\nThe bill reported by the revisers does not itself contain this proposition; but an amendment containing it was prepared, to be offered to the legislature whenever the bill should be taken up, and further directing, that they should continue with their parents to a certain age, then be brought up at the public expense to tillage, arts, or sciences, according to their geniuses, till the females should be eighteen, and the males twenty-one years of age. When they should be colonized to such place as the circumstances of the time should render most proper, sending them out with arms, implements of household, and of the handicraft arts, feeds, pairs of the useful domestic animals, and to declare them a free and independent people, and extend to them our alliance and protection, till they shall have acquired strength; and to send vessels at the same time to other parts of the world for an equal number of white inhabitants; to induce whom to migrate hither. Proper encouragements were to be proposed.\n\nIt will probably be asked; “Why not retain and incorporate the blacks into the state, and thus save the expense of supplying, by importation of white settlers, the vacancies they will leave?”. Deep-rooted prejudices entertained by the whites; ten thousand recollections by the blacks, of the injuries they have sustained; new provocations; the real distinctions which nature has made; and many other circumstances, will divide us into parties and produce convulsions which will probably never end but in the extermination of the one or the other race.\n\n— To these objections, which are political, may be added others, which are physical and moral.\n\nThe first difference which strikes us is that of color. Whether the black of the negro resides in the reticular membrane between the skin and scarf-skin, or in the scarf-skin itself; whether it proceeds from the color of the blood, the color of the bile, or from that of some other secretion, the difference is fixed in nature, and is as real as if its seat and cause were better known to us. And is this difference of no importance? Is it not the foundation of a greater or less share of beauty in the two races? Are not the fine mixtures of red and white, the expressions of every passion by greater or less suffusions of color in the one, preferable to that eternal monotony, which reigns in the countenances, that immoveable veil of black which covers all the emotions of the other race?\n\nAdd to these, flowing hair, a more elegant symmetry of form, their own judgment in favor of the whites, declared by their preference of them, as uniformly as is the preference of the orangutan for the black women over those of his own species. The circumstance of superior beauty is thought worthy attention in the propagation of our horses, dogs, and other domestic animals. Why not in that of man? Besides those of color, figure, and hair, there are other physical distinctions proving a difference of race.\n\nThey have less hair on the face and body. They secrete less by the kidneys and more by the glands of the skin, which gives them a very strong and disagreeable odor. This greater degree of transpiration renders them more tolerant of heat, and less so of cold than the whites. Perhaps to a difference of structure in the pulmonary apparatus, which a late ingenious experimentalist has discovered to be the principal regulator of animal heat, may have disabled them from extricating, in the act of inspiration, so much of that fluid from the outer air, or obliged them in expiration, to part with more of it. They seem to require less sleep. A black after hard labor through the day will be induced by the slightest amusements to sit up till midnight, or later, though knowing he must be out with the first dawn of the morning. They are at least as brave and more adventuresome. But this may perhaps proceed from a want of forethought, which prevents their seeing a danger till it be present. When present, they do not go through it with more coolness or steadiness than the whites. They are more ardent after their female. But love seems with them to be more an eager desire than a tender delicate mixture of sentiment and sensation. Their griefs are transient. Those numberless afflictions, which render it doubtful whether heaven has given life to us in mercy or in wrath, are less felt and sooner forgotten with them.\n\nIn general, their existence appears to participate more of sensation than reflection. To this must be ascribed their disposition to sleep when abstracted from their diversions, and unemployed in labor. An animal whose body is at rest, and who does not reflect, must be disposed to sleep of course. Comparing them by their faculties of memory, reason, and imagination, it appears to me that in memory they are equal to the whites; in reason much inferior. As I think one could scarcely be found capable of tracing and comprehending the investigations of Euclid; and that in imagination they are dull, tasteless, and anomalous.\n\nIt would be unfair to follow them to Africa for this investigation. We will consider them here, on the same stage with the whites, and where the facts are not apocryphal on which a judgment is to be formed. It will be right to make great allowances for the difference of condition, of education, of conversation, of the sphere in which they move. Many millions of them have been brought to, and born in America. Most of them indeed have been confined to tillage, to their own homes, and their own society. Yet, many have been so situated that they might have availed themselves of the conversation of their masters. Many have been brought up to the handicraft arts and from that circumstance have always been associated with the whites. Some have been liberally educated, and all have lived in countries where the arts and sciences are cultivated to a considerable degree and have had before their eyes sample of the best works from abroad.\n\nThe Indians, with no advantages of this kind, will often carve figures on their pipes not destitute of design and merit. They will crayon out an animal, a plant, or a country, so as to prove the existence of a germ in their minds which only wants cultivation. They astonish you with strokes of the most sublime oratory; such as prove their reason and sentiment strong, their imagination glowing and elevated. But never yet could I find that a black had uttered a thought above the level of plain narration. I have never seen even an elementary trait of painting or sculpture. In music they are more generally gifted than the whites with accurate ears for tune and time, and they have been found capable of imagining a small catch. Whether they will be equal to the composition of a more extensive run of melody, or of complicated harmony, is yet to be proved.\n\nMisery is often the parent of the most affecting touches in poetry.\n\n— Among the blacks is misery enough, God knows, but no poetry. Love is the peculiar oestrum of the poet. Their love is ardent, but it kindles the senses only; not the imagination. Religion indeed has produced a Phyllis Whately; but it could not produce a poet. The compositions published under her name are below the dignity of criticism. The heroes of the Dunciad are to her, as Hercules to the author of that poem. Ignatius Sancho has approached nearer to merit in composition; yet his letters do more honor to the heart than the head. They breathe the purest effusions of friendship and general philanthropy, and shew how great a degree of the latter may be compounded with strong religious zeal. He is often happy in the turn of his compliments, and his stile is easy and familiar, except when he affects a Shandean fabrication of words. But his imagination is wild and extravagant, escapes incessantly from every restraint of reason and taste, and, in the course of its vagaries, leaves a tract of thought as incoherent and eccentric, as is the course of a meteor through the sky. His subjects should often have led him to a process of sober reasoning: yet we find him always substituting sentiment for demonstration. Upon the whole, though we admit him to the first place among those of his own color who have presented themselves to the public judgment, yet when we compare him with the writers of the race among whom he lived, and particularly with the epistolary class in which he has taken his own stand, we are compelled to enroll him at the bottom of the column. This criticism supposes the letters published under his name to be genuine, and to have received amendment from no other hand. Points which would not be of easy investigation.\n\nThe improvement of the blacks in body and mind, in the first instance of their mixture with the whites, has been observed by everyone, and proves that their inferiority is not the effect merely of their condition of life. We know that among the Romans, about the Augustan age especially, the condition of their slaves was much more deplorable than that of the blacks on the continent of America. The two sexes were confined in separate apartments, because to raise a child cost the master more than to buy one. Cato, for a very restricted indulgence to his slaves in this particular, took from them a certain price. But in this country the slaves multiply as fast as the free inhabitants. Their situation and manners place the commerce between the two sexes almost without restraint.\n\n— The same Cato, on a principle of economy, always sold his sick and superannuated slaves. He gives it as a standing precept to a master visiting his farm to sell his old oxen, old wagons, old tools, old and diseased servants, and everything else become useless. The American slaves cannot enumerate this among the injuries and insults they receive. It was the common practice to expose in the island of Aesculapius, in the Tyber, diseased slaves, whose cure was like to become tedious. The Emperor Claudius, by an edict, gave freedom to such of them as should recover, and first declared that if any person chose to kill rather than to expose them, it should be deemed homicide. The exposing them is a crime of which no instance has existed with us; and were it to be followed by death, it would be punished capitally. We are told of a certain Vedius Pollio, who, in the presence of Augustus, would have given a slave as food to his fish for having broken a glass. With the Romans, the regular method of taking the evidence of their slaves was under torture. Here it has been thought better never to resort to their evidence. When a master was murdered, all his slaves, in the same house, or within hearing, were condemned to death. Here punishment falls on the guilty only, and as precise proof is required against him as against a freeman.\n\nYet notwithstanding these and other discouraging circumstances among the Romans, their slaves were often their rarest artists. They excelled too in science insomuch as to be usually employed as tutors to their master's children. Epictetus, Terence, and Phaedrus, were slaves. But they were of the race of whites. It is not their condition then, but nature, which has produced the distinction.\n\n— Whether further observation will or will not verify the conjecture that nature has been less bountiful to them in the endowments of the head, I believe that in those of the heart she will be found to have done them justice. That disposition to theft with which they have been branded must be ascribed to their situation, and not to any depravity of the moral sense. The man in whose favor no laws of property exist, probably feels himself less bound to respect those made in favor of others. When arguing for ourselves, we lay it down as a fundamental, that laws, to be just, must give a reciprocation of right. That, without this, they are mere arbitrary rules of conduct. Founded in force, and not in conscience. And it is a problem which I give to the master to solve. Whether the religious precepts against the violation of property were not framed for him as well as his slave? And whether the slave may not as justifiably take a little from one, who has taken all from him, as he may slay one who would slay him? That a change in the relations in which a man is placed should change his ideas of moral right and wrong, is neither new, nor peculiar to the color of the blacks.\nNotwithstanding these considerations which must weaken their respect for the laws of property, we find among them numerous instances of the most rigid integrity, and as many as among their better instructed masters of benevolence, gratitude, and unshaken fidelity.\n\n— The opinion that they are inferior in the faculties of reason and imagination must be hazarded with great diffidence. To justify a general conclusion requires many observations. Even where the subject may be submitted to the Anatomical knife, to Optical glasses, to analysis by fire, or by solvents. How much more then where it is a faculty, not a substance, we are examining; where it eludes the research of all the senses; where the conditions of its existence are various and variously combined; where the effects of those which are present or absent bid defiance to calculation; let me add too, as a circumstance of great tenderness, where our conclusion would degrade a whole race of men from the rank in the scale of beings which their Creator may perhaps have given them.\"\n\n\nText in Picture/Back of Shirt:\n\n\"To our reproach it must be said that though for a century and a half we have had under our eyes the races of black and of red men, they have never yet been viewed by us as subjects of natural history. I advance it therefore as a suspicion only that the blacks, whether originally a distinct race, or made distinct by time and circumstances, are inferior to the whites in the endowments both of body and mind. It is not against experience to suppose that different species of the same genus, or varieties of the same species, may possess different qualifications. Will not a lover of natural history then, one who views the gradations in all the races of animals with the eye of philosophy, excuse an effort to keep those in the department of man as distinct as nature has formed them?\n\nThis unfortunate difference of color and perhaps of faculty, is a powerful obstacle to the emancipation of these people. Many of their advocates, while they wish to vindicate the liberty of human nature, are anxious also to preserve its dignity and beauty. Some of these, who are embarrassed by the question; “What further is to be done with them?”, join themselves in opposition with those who are actuated by sordid avarice only.\n\nAmong the Romans emancipation required but one effort. The slave, when made free, might mix with, without staining the blood of his master. But with us a second is necessary, unknown to history. When freed, he is to be removed beyond the reach of mixture.”\n\n\n-Thomas Jefferson\nNotes on the State of Virginia [Pages 226-240]\n1787\n\n\nSource:\nhttps://static.lib.virginia.edu/rmds/tj/notes/index.html\n[Selections: |289-304| & |305-320|]\n\nImage Source:\nhttps://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/1e/Thomas_Jefferson_by_Rembrandt_Peale,_1800.jpg\n“Thomas Jefferson” by Rembrandt Peale [1800]\n\nPresidential Videos:\nPart I “dies independentiae”:\nhttps://www.brighteon.com/0ba07ca4-7485-4bae-923c-8c2ba16f765d\nPart II “no quarta”:\nbrighteon.com/6dc75fbd-da61-4f8c-80e2-a16cda910657\n\nApparel:\nhttps://www.teespring.com/Prezid03",
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"content": "2) John Adams (1797-1801) (Federalist):<br /><br />“None of the means of information are more sacred or have been cherished with more tenderness and care by the settlers of America than the press. Care has been taken that the art of printing should be encouraged and that it should be easy and cheap and safe for any person to communicate his thoughts to the public. And you, Messieurs Printers, whatever the tyrants of the earth may say of your paper, have done important service to your country by your readiness and freedom in publishing the speculations of the curious. The stale impudent insinuations of slander and sedition, with which the gormandizers of power have endeavored to discredit your paper, are so much the more to your honor. For the jaws of power are always opened to devour, and her arm is always stretched out, if possible, to destroy the freedom of thinking, speaking, and writing. And if the public interest, liberty, and happiness have been in danger from the ambition or avarice of any great man or number of great men, whatever may be their politeness, address, learning, ingenuity, and in other respects, integrity and humanity, you have done yourselves honor and your country service by publishing and pointing out that avarice and ambition. These views are so much the more dangerous and pernicious for the virtues with which they may be accompanied in the same character, and with so much the more watchful jealousy to be guarded against.<br /><br />“Curse on such virtues, they’ve undone their country.”<br /><br />Be not intimidated, therefore, by any terrors from publishing with the utmost freedom whatever can be warranted by the laws of your country. Nor suffer yourselves to be wheedled out of your liberty by any pretenses of politeness, delicacy, or decency. These, as they are often used, are but three different names for hypocrisy, chicanery, and cowardice. Much less I presume will you be discouraged by any pretenses that malignants on this side the water will represent your paper as factious and seditious, or that the Great on the other side of the water will take offense at them. This dread of representation has had for a long time in this province effects very similar to what the physicians call a hydropho, or dread of water. It has made us delirious. And we have rushed headlong into the water, till we are almost drowned, out of simple or frenzical fear of it. Believe me, the character of this country has suffered more in Britain by the pusillanimity with which we have borne many insults and indignities from the creatures of power at home, and the creatures of those creatures here, than it ever did or ever will by the freedom and spirit that has been or will be discovered in writing or action. Believe me, my countrymen, they have imbibed an opinion on the other side of the water that we are an ignorant, a timid, and a stupid people. Nay their tools on this side have often the impudence to dispute your bravery. But I hope in God the time is near at hand when they will be fully convinced of your understanding, integrity, and courage.”<br /><br /><br />Text in Picture/Back of Shirt:<br /><br />“Be not intimidated by any terrors from publishing with the utmost freedom. Nor suffer yourselves to be wheedled out of your liberty by any pretenses of politeness, delicacy, or decency. These, as they are often used, are but three different names for hypocrisy, chicanery, and cowardice.”<br /><br /><br />-John Adams<br />“A Dissertation on the Canon and the Feudal Law” No. 3<br />September 30, 1765<br /><br /><br />Source:<br /><a href=\"https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-01-02-0052-0006\" target=\"_blank\">https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-01-02-0052-0006</a><br /><br />Image Source:<br /><a href=\"https://shannonselin.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/John-Adams-by-John-Singleton-Copley.jpg\" target=\"_blank\">https://shannonselin.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/John-Adams-by-John-Singleton-Copley.jpg</a><br />“John Adams” by John Singleton Copley [1783]<br /><br />Presidential Video [triumphus victorias]:<br />brighteon.com/3aea8bab-ca7a-42f1-b875-97357302203b<br /><br />Apparel:<br /><a href=\"https://www.teespring.com/Prezid02\" target=\"_blank\">https://www.teespring.com/Prezid02</a>",
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"content": "2) John Adams (1797-1801) (Federalist):\n\n“None of the means of information are more sacred or have been cherished with more tenderness and care by the settlers of America than the press. Care has been taken that the art of printing should be encouraged and that it should be easy and cheap and safe for any person to communicate his thoughts to the public. And you, Messieurs Printers, whatever the tyrants of the earth may say of your paper, have done important service to your country by your readiness and freedom in publishing the speculations of the curious. The stale impudent insinuations of slander and sedition, with which the gormandizers of power have endeavored to discredit your paper, are so much the more to your honor. For the jaws of power are always opened to devour, and her arm is always stretched out, if possible, to destroy the freedom of thinking, speaking, and writing. And if the public interest, liberty, and happiness have been in danger from the ambition or avarice of any great man or number of great men, whatever may be their politeness, address, learning, ingenuity, and in other respects, integrity and humanity, you have done yourselves honor and your country service by publishing and pointing out that avarice and ambition. These views are so much the more dangerous and pernicious for the virtues with which they may be accompanied in the same character, and with so much the more watchful jealousy to be guarded against.\n\n“Curse on such virtues, they’ve undone their country.”\n\nBe not intimidated, therefore, by any terrors from publishing with the utmost freedom whatever can be warranted by the laws of your country. Nor suffer yourselves to be wheedled out of your liberty by any pretenses of politeness, delicacy, or decency. These, as they are often used, are but three different names for hypocrisy, chicanery, and cowardice. Much less I presume will you be discouraged by any pretenses that malignants on this side the water will represent your paper as factious and seditious, or that the Great on the other side of the water will take offense at them. This dread of representation has had for a long time in this province effects very similar to what the physicians call a hydropho, or dread of water. It has made us delirious. And we have rushed headlong into the water, till we are almost drowned, out of simple or frenzical fear of it. Believe me, the character of this country has suffered more in Britain by the pusillanimity with which we have borne many insults and indignities from the creatures of power at home, and the creatures of those creatures here, than it ever did or ever will by the freedom and spirit that has been or will be discovered in writing or action. Believe me, my countrymen, they have imbibed an opinion on the other side of the water that we are an ignorant, a timid, and a stupid people. Nay their tools on this side have often the impudence to dispute your bravery. But I hope in God the time is near at hand when they will be fully convinced of your understanding, integrity, and courage.”\n\n\nText in Picture/Back of Shirt:\n\n“Be not intimidated by any terrors from publishing with the utmost freedom. Nor suffer yourselves to be wheedled out of your liberty by any pretenses of politeness, delicacy, or decency. These, as they are often used, are but three different names for hypocrisy, chicanery, and cowardice.”\n\n\n-John Adams\n“A Dissertation on the Canon and the Feudal Law” No. 3\nSeptember 30, 1765\n\n\nSource:\nhttps://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-01-02-0052-0006\n\nImage Source:\nhttps://shannonselin.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/John-Adams-by-John-Singleton-Copley.jpg\n“John Adams” by John Singleton Copley [1783]\n\nPresidential Video [triumphus victorias]:\nbrighteon.com/3aea8bab-ca7a-42f1-b875-97357302203b\n\nApparel:\nhttps://www.teespring.com/Prezid02",
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"content": "1) George Washington (1789-1797) (Federalist):<br /><br />“This Government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the constitution which at any time exists till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government.<br /><br />All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction; to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community, and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by common counsels and modified by mutual interests.<br /><br />However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time and things to become potent engines by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.<br /><br />Toward the preservation of your Government and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the Constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown…<br /><br />Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.<br /><br />This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature; having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy.<br /><br />The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual, and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty…<br /><br />It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passion. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another…<br /><br />Observe good faith and justice toward all nations. Cultivate peace and harmony with all…<br /><br />In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded, and that in place of them just and amicable feelings toward all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges toward another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur.<br /><br />Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation prompted by ill will and resentment sometimes impels to war the government contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject. At other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim.<br /><br />So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country without odium, sometimes even with popularity, gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.<br /><br />As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak toward a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.<br /><br />Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests.<br /><br />The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.”<br /><br /><br />Text in Picture/Back of Shirt:<br /><br />“Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.<br /><br />Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?”<br /><br /><br />-George Washington<br />Farewell Address<br />September 17. 1796<br /><br /><br />Source:<br /><a href=\"https://archive.org/details/washingtonsfarew01wash/\" target=\"_blank\">https://archive.org/details/washingtonsfarew01wash/</a><br />[Pages 15-20 & 25-31]<br /><br />Image Source:<br /><a href=\"http://artpaintingartist.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/Lansdowne-portrait-of-George-Washington-by-Gilbert-Stuart.jpg\" target=\"_blank\">http://artpaintingartist.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/Lansdowne-portrait-of-George-Washington-by-Gilbert-Stuart.jpg</a><br />“George Washington” by Gilbert Stuart [1795]<br /><br />Presidential Video “propagationi veritatis”:<br /><a href=\"https://www.brighteon.com/419b1c25-e1e7-452a-9faa-12ca314a48ed\" target=\"_blank\">https://www.brighteon.com/419b1c25-e1e7-452a-9faa-12ca314a48ed</a><br /><br />Apparel:<br /><a href=\"https://www.teespring.com/Prezid01\" target=\"_blank\">https://www.teespring.com/Prezid01</a>",
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"content": "1) George Washington (1789-1797) (Federalist):\n\n“This Government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the constitution which at any time exists till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government.\n\nAll obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction; to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community, and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by common counsels and modified by mutual interests.\n\nHowever combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time and things to become potent engines by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.\n\nToward the preservation of your Government and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the Constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown…\n\nLet me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.\n\nThis spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature; having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy.\n\nThe alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual, and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty…\n\nIt serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passion. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another…\n\nObserve good faith and justice toward all nations. Cultivate peace and harmony with all…\n\nIn the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded, and that in place of them just and amicable feelings toward all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges toward another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur.\n\nHence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation prompted by ill will and resentment sometimes impels to war the government contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject. At other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim.\n\nSo, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country without odium, sometimes even with popularity, gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.\n\nAs avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak toward a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.\n\nAgainst the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests.\n\nThe great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.”\n\n\nText in Picture/Back of Shirt:\n\n“Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.\n\nWhy forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?”\n\n\n-George Washington\nFarewell Address\nSeptember 17. 1796\n\n\nSource:\nhttps://archive.org/details/washingtonsfarew01wash/\n[Pages 15-20 & 25-31]\n\nImage Source:\nhttp://artpaintingartist.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/Lansdowne-portrait-of-George-Washington-by-Gilbert-Stuart.jpg\n“George Washington” by Gilbert Stuart [1795]\n\nPresidential Video “propagationi veritatis”:\nhttps://www.brighteon.com/419b1c25-e1e7-452a-9faa-12ca314a48ed\n\nApparel:\nhttps://www.teespring.com/Prezid01",
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"content": "8) Martin Van Buren (1837-1841) (Democrat): <br /><br />\"Of the three great elements of power under the English system—the crown, the landed aristocracy, and the moneyed interest—Hamilton regarded the latter, I have no doubt, as the most salutary even in England. There was little in the pride, pomp, and circumstance of the kingly office, and still less in the feudal grandeur of a landed aristocracy, to captivate a mind like his; he advocated the monarchical form for special reasons of a very different character, and these he assigned in the Convention. Indeed, he all but expressed this preference when he said to John Adams,—\"Strike out of the English system its corruptions and you make the government an impracticable machine.\" Corruption in some form being the means by which the money power ordinarily exerts its influence, Hamilton was not slow in foreseeing the advantages to be derived from that power in the United States. It is true that the influence it exerted in England was liberal in its character, and beneficial, at least in its political bearings, to the middle classes. We have seen that one object and a principal effect of its establishment was to reduce the overshadowing influence of the landed aristocracy which existed so long and exerted a sway so imperious over the country—an object in the accomplishment of which the members of the \"stock aristocracy\" were, in all probability, not a little stimulated by recollections of their past exclusions not only from all participation in the management of public affairs, but also from many social distinctions. The landed aristocracy of England is composed of a race of men superior in manly virtues and consistency of character to similar classes in other countries, but notwithstanding these undeniable and commendable traits they are, by force of their condition and by the law of their minds, in a great degree the result of that condition, unwilling to extend to their unprivileged fellow-subjects that equality in public and private rights to which we republicans consider them justly entitled. In this respect there is no difference between them, be they Whigs or Tories,—their first duty being, in the estimation of both, to \"stand by their order.\" It is equally true that it did not comport with Hamilton's policy to promote the establishment of any power here the influence of which would enure to the increase and security of political power in the people, and that, to answer his purposes, the results of the operations of the money power here must be the reverse of what they were in England. He was too well versed in politics and parties not to know that the action of every political organization in a state takes its direction from the character and condition of its principal rival, and that all have their rivals. If one is not found to exist they will soon make one, for such is the natural operation of political parties in any degree free.<br /><br />We differed greatly from England in the condition and political aspect of affairs; we had no monarchical institutions, no landed aristocracy to excite the rivalry and opposition of the money power. It was itself, on the contrary, destined, when firmly established, to become whatever of aristocracy could co-exist with our political system. Its natural antagonist would be the democratic spirit of the country,—that spirit which had been the lion in Hamilton's path from the beginning, the dread of which had destroyed his usefulness and blasted the fair prospects that were presented to the youthful patriot,—that spirit which he doubtless sincerely believed adverse to order, and destitute of due respect for the rights of property. It was to keep down this spirit that he desired the establishment of a money power here which should stand by the Government as its interested ally, and support it against popular disaffection and tumult. He well understood that, if he accomplished that desire, they would soon become the principal antagonistic influences on our political stage. He knew also, what was not less satisfactory to his feelings, that if the anticipations, not to say hopes, which he never ceased to entertain, should be realized, of the presentation of a fair opportunity for the introduction of his favorite institutions without too great a shock to public feeling; there could be no class of men who would be better disposed to second his views than those whose power in the state he had so largely contributed to establish. To be allied to power, permanent, if possible, in its character and splendid in its appendages, is one of the strongest passions which wealth inspires. The grandeur of the Crown and of the landed aristocracy affords a fair vent to that in England. Here, where it is deprived of that indulgence, it maintains a constant struggle for the establishment of a moneyed oligarchy, the most selfish and monopolizing of all depositories of political power, and is only prevented from realizing its complete designs by the democratic spirit of the country.\"<br /><br /><br />Text in Picture/Back of Shirt:<br /><br />“If any doubt the existence and agency of a political influence such as I have described under the name of the Money Power, or think the description exaggerated, let me ask them to ponder upon its achievements in the country from which it has been transplanted to our shores. It is but little more than a century and a half since it was first interpolated upon the English system, and we have seen the results it has in that period produced upon its rivals: every vestige of the feudal system that survived the Revolution of 1688 extinguished; the landed aristocracy, once lords paramount, depressed to an average power in the State; the Crown, still respected, and its possessor at this moment justly beloved by all, yet substantially reduced to a pageant, protected indeed by the prejudices of John Bull in favor of ancestral forms and state ceremonies, but of almost no account as an element of power when weighed against the well-ascertained opinion of the People of England. Who does not know that it holds in its hands, more often than any other power, questions of peace or war, not only in England but over Europe! How often have previous consultations with a respectable family of Jews decided the question of a declaration of war! Indeed it would have been well for humanity if so salutary a check upon the brutal passions of men and monarchs had been always equally potent—if some conservative and life-sparing Rothschilds had been able to restrain the Henries, the Louises, the Fredericks, and the Napoleons of the past. The Money Power, designed from the beginning to exert a liberal influence in England as the antagonist of arbitrary power, has done much good there by the prominence and influence to which it has elevated public opinion, and this to some extent is true of other European countries. Here it was from its start, as I have said, designed to control the public will by undermining and corrupting its free and virtuous impulse and determination, and its political effects have been continually injurious.”<br /><br /><br />Inquiry Into the Origin and Course of Political Parties in the United States<br />1867 (posth.)<br /><br /><br />Source:<br /><a href=\"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/35932/35932-h/35932-h.htm\" target=\"_blank\">http://www.gutenberg.org/files/35932/35932-h/35932-h.htm</a><br />[Marker 164/232]<br /><br />Image Source:<br /><a href=\"https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/17/MVanBuren.png\" target=\"_blank\">https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/17/MVanBuren.png</a><br /><br />Presidential Video [pecunia potentia]:<br />brighteon.com/856e9d1b-3fc5-4713-ab20-454e74c4c259<br /><br />Apparel:<br /><a href=\"https://www.teespring.com/PrezQ8\" target=\"_blank\">https://www.teespring.com/PrezQ8</a>",
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"content": "8) Martin Van Buren (1837-1841) (Democrat): \n\n\"Of the three great elements of power under the English system—the crown, the landed aristocracy, and the moneyed interest—Hamilton regarded the latter, I have no doubt, as the most salutary even in England. There was little in the pride, pomp, and circumstance of the kingly office, and still less in the feudal grandeur of a landed aristocracy, to captivate a mind like his; he advocated the monarchical form for special reasons of a very different character, and these he assigned in the Convention. Indeed, he all but expressed this preference when he said to John Adams,—\"Strike out of the English system its corruptions and you make the government an impracticable machine.\" Corruption in some form being the means by which the money power ordinarily exerts its influence, Hamilton was not slow in foreseeing the advantages to be derived from that power in the United States. It is true that the influence it exerted in England was liberal in its character, and beneficial, at least in its political bearings, to the middle classes. We have seen that one object and a principal effect of its establishment was to reduce the overshadowing influence of the landed aristocracy which existed so long and exerted a sway so imperious over the country—an object in the accomplishment of which the members of the \"stock aristocracy\" were, in all probability, not a little stimulated by recollections of their past exclusions not only from all participation in the management of public affairs, but also from many social distinctions. The landed aristocracy of England is composed of a race of men superior in manly virtues and consistency of character to similar classes in other countries, but notwithstanding these undeniable and commendable traits they are, by force of their condition and by the law of their minds, in a great degree the result of that condition, unwilling to extend to their unprivileged fellow-subjects that equality in public and private rights to which we republicans consider them justly entitled. In this respect there is no difference between them, be they Whigs or Tories,—their first duty being, in the estimation of both, to \"stand by their order.\" It is equally true that it did not comport with Hamilton's policy to promote the establishment of any power here the influence of which would enure to the increase and security of political power in the people, and that, to answer his purposes, the results of the operations of the money power here must be the reverse of what they were in England. He was too well versed in politics and parties not to know that the action of every political organization in a state takes its direction from the character and condition of its principal rival, and that all have their rivals. If one is not found to exist they will soon make one, for such is the natural operation of political parties in any degree free.\n\nWe differed greatly from England in the condition and political aspect of affairs; we had no monarchical institutions, no landed aristocracy to excite the rivalry and opposition of the money power. It was itself, on the contrary, destined, when firmly established, to become whatever of aristocracy could co-exist with our political system. Its natural antagonist would be the democratic spirit of the country,—that spirit which had been the lion in Hamilton's path from the beginning, the dread of which had destroyed his usefulness and blasted the fair prospects that were presented to the youthful patriot,—that spirit which he doubtless sincerely believed adverse to order, and destitute of due respect for the rights of property. It was to keep down this spirit that he desired the establishment of a money power here which should stand by the Government as its interested ally, and support it against popular disaffection and tumult. He well understood that, if he accomplished that desire, they would soon become the principal antagonistic influences on our political stage. He knew also, what was not less satisfactory to his feelings, that if the anticipations, not to say hopes, which he never ceased to entertain, should be realized, of the presentation of a fair opportunity for the introduction of his favorite institutions without too great a shock to public feeling; there could be no class of men who would be better disposed to second his views than those whose power in the state he had so largely contributed to establish. To be allied to power, permanent, if possible, in its character and splendid in its appendages, is one of the strongest passions which wealth inspires. The grandeur of the Crown and of the landed aristocracy affords a fair vent to that in England. Here, where it is deprived of that indulgence, it maintains a constant struggle for the establishment of a moneyed oligarchy, the most selfish and monopolizing of all depositories of political power, and is only prevented from realizing its complete designs by the democratic spirit of the country.\"\n\n\nText in Picture/Back of Shirt:\n\n“If any doubt the existence and agency of a political influence such as I have described under the name of the Money Power, or think the description exaggerated, let me ask them to ponder upon its achievements in the country from which it has been transplanted to our shores. It is but little more than a century and a half since it was first interpolated upon the English system, and we have seen the results it has in that period produced upon its rivals: every vestige of the feudal system that survived the Revolution of 1688 extinguished; the landed aristocracy, once lords paramount, depressed to an average power in the State; the Crown, still respected, and its possessor at this moment justly beloved by all, yet substantially reduced to a pageant, protected indeed by the prejudices of John Bull in favor of ancestral forms and state ceremonies, but of almost no account as an element of power when weighed against the well-ascertained opinion of the People of England. Who does not know that it holds in its hands, more often than any other power, questions of peace or war, not only in England but over Europe! How often have previous consultations with a respectable family of Jews decided the question of a declaration of war! Indeed it would have been well for humanity if so salutary a check upon the brutal passions of men and monarchs had been always equally potent—if some conservative and life-sparing Rothschilds had been able to restrain the Henries, the Louises, the Fredericks, and the Napoleons of the past. The Money Power, designed from the beginning to exert a liberal influence in England as the antagonist of arbitrary power, has done much good there by the prominence and influence to which it has elevated public opinion, and this to some extent is true of other European countries. Here it was from its start, as I have said, designed to control the public will by undermining and corrupting its free and virtuous impulse and determination, and its political effects have been continually injurious.”\n\n\nInquiry Into the Origin and Course of Political Parties in the United States\n1867 (posth.)\n\n\nSource:\nhttp://www.gutenberg.org/files/35932/35932-h/35932-h.htm\n[Marker 164/232]\n\nImage Source:\nhttps://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/17/MVanBuren.png\n\nPresidential Video [pecunia potentia]:\nbrighteon.com/856e9d1b-3fc5-4713-ab20-454e74c4c259\n\nApparel:\nhttps://www.teespring.com/PrezQ8",
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"content": "2) John Adams (1797-1801) (Federalist): <br /><br />\"I have never had but one opinion concerning banking from the institution of the first in Philadelphia & that opinion has uniformly been that the banks have done more injury to the religion, morality, tranquility, prosperity, and even wealth of the nation, than they ever have done or ever will do good; they are like party spirit, the delusion of the many for the interest of a few. I have always thought that Sir Isaac Newton and Mr. Locke a hundred years ago at least had scientifically demonstratively settled all questions of this kind. Silver & gold are but the commodities as much as wheat and lumber—the merchants who study the necessity & feel out the wants of the community can always import enough to supply the necessary circulating currency as they can broadcloths or sugar—the trinkets of Birmingham & Manchester—or the hemp of Liberia. I am old enough to have seen a paper currency annihilated at a blow in Massachusetts in 1750, and a silver currency takings its place immediately & supplying every necessity & every convenience I cannot enlarge upon this subject; it has always been incomprehensible to me that a people so jealous of their liberty & property as the Americans should so long have borne impositions with patience and submission which would have been trampled under foot in the meanest village in Holland or undergone the fate of Woods half pence in Ireland.\" <br /><br /><br />Letter from John Adams to John Taylor<br />March 12, 1819<br /><br /><br />Text in Picture/Back of Shirt:<br /><br />“The Priesthood, have in all ancient Nations, nearly monopolized learning. Read over again all the accounts we have of Hindoos Chaldeans, Persians Greeks, Romans, Celts, Teutons. We shall find that Priests had all the knowledge, and really governed all Mankind. Examine Mahometanism. Trace Christianity from its first promulgation. Knowledge has been almost exclusively confined to the Clergy. And even since the Reformation, when or where has existed a Protestant or dissenting sect who would tolerate a free inquiry? The blackest billingsgate, the most ungentlemanly insolence, the most yahooish brutality, is patiently endured, countenanced, propagated, and applauded. But touch a solemn truth in collision with a dogma of a sect, though capable of the clearest proof; and you will soon find you have disturbed a nest, and the hornets will swarm about your legs and hands and fly into your face and eyes. When we are weary of looking at religion, we will if you please, turn our eyes to Government. Is there toleration in Politics? The truth is Party Opinions, Interests, Passions, and Prejudices, may be as decisive an imprimatur as that of a Monarch. And the Public Opinion, which is not always right until it is too late, is sometimes as arbitrary a Prohibition as an index expurgatorius. I hope it will be no offense to say that Public Opinion is often formed upon imperfect partial and false information from the Press. Public Information cannot keep pace with Facts.”<br /><br /><br />Letter from John Adams to John Taylor (No. 32)<br />January 24, 1815<br /><br /><br />Sources:<br /><a href=\"https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/99-02-02-7096\" target=\"_blank\">https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/99-02-02-7096</a><br /><a href=\"https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/99-02-02-6400\" target=\"_blank\">https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/99-02-02-6400</a><br /><br />Image Source:<br /><a href=\"https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-2ylL-Uj4pE8/Ud1aadulqwI/AAAAAAABhhU/lUZCHExfN0M/s1600/Portrait+of+John+Adams+by+William+Winstanley,+1798..jpg\" target=\"_blank\">https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-2ylL-Uj4pE8/Ud1aadulqwI/AAAAAAABhhU/lUZCHExfN0M/s1600/Portrait+of+John+Adams+by+William+Winstanley,+1798..jpg</a><br /><br />Presidential Video [triumphus victorias]:<br />brighteon.com/3aea8bab-ca7a-42f1-b875-97357302203b<br /><br />Apparel:<br /><a href=\"https://www.teespring.com/PrezQ02\" target=\"_blank\">https://www.teespring.com/PrezQ02</a>",
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"content": "2) John Adams (1797-1801) (Federalist): \n\n\"I have never had but one opinion concerning banking from the institution of the first in Philadelphia & that opinion has uniformly been that the banks have done more injury to the religion, morality, tranquility, prosperity, and even wealth of the nation, than they ever have done or ever will do good; they are like party spirit, the delusion of the many for the interest of a few. I have always thought that Sir Isaac Newton and Mr. Locke a hundred years ago at least had scientifically demonstratively settled all questions of this kind. Silver & gold are but the commodities as much as wheat and lumber—the merchants who study the necessity & feel out the wants of the community can always import enough to supply the necessary circulating currency as they can broadcloths or sugar—the trinkets of Birmingham & Manchester—or the hemp of Liberia. I am old enough to have seen a paper currency annihilated at a blow in Massachusetts in 1750, and a silver currency takings its place immediately & supplying every necessity & every convenience I cannot enlarge upon this subject; it has always been incomprehensible to me that a people so jealous of their liberty & property as the Americans should so long have borne impositions with patience and submission which would have been trampled under foot in the meanest village in Holland or undergone the fate of Woods half pence in Ireland.\" \n\n\nLetter from John Adams to John Taylor\nMarch 12, 1819\n\n\nText in Picture/Back of Shirt:\n\n“The Priesthood, have in all ancient Nations, nearly monopolized learning. Read over again all the accounts we have of Hindoos Chaldeans, Persians Greeks, Romans, Celts, Teutons. We shall find that Priests had all the knowledge, and really governed all Mankind. Examine Mahometanism. Trace Christianity from its first promulgation. Knowledge has been almost exclusively confined to the Clergy. And even since the Reformation, when or where has existed a Protestant or dissenting sect who would tolerate a free inquiry? The blackest billingsgate, the most ungentlemanly insolence, the most yahooish brutality, is patiently endured, countenanced, propagated, and applauded. But touch a solemn truth in collision with a dogma of a sect, though capable of the clearest proof; and you will soon find you have disturbed a nest, and the hornets will swarm about your legs and hands and fly into your face and eyes. When we are weary of looking at religion, we will if you please, turn our eyes to Government. Is there toleration in Politics? The truth is Party Opinions, Interests, Passions, and Prejudices, may be as decisive an imprimatur as that of a Monarch. And the Public Opinion, which is not always right until it is too late, is sometimes as arbitrary a Prohibition as an index expurgatorius. I hope it will be no offense to say that Public Opinion is often formed upon imperfect partial and false information from the Press. Public Information cannot keep pace with Facts.”\n\n\nLetter from John Adams to John Taylor (No. 32)\nJanuary 24, 1815\n\n\nSources:\nhttps://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/99-02-02-7096\nhttps://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/99-02-02-6400\n\nImage Source:\nhttps://1.bp.blogspot.com/-2ylL-Uj4pE8/Ud1aadulqwI/AAAAAAABhhU/lUZCHExfN0M/s1600/Portrait+of+John+Adams+by+William+Winstanley,+1798..jpg\n\nPresidential Video [triumphus victorias]:\nbrighteon.com/3aea8bab-ca7a-42f1-b875-97357302203b\n\nApparel:\nhttps://www.teespring.com/PrezQ02",
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"content": "1) George Washington (1789-1797) (Federalist):<br /><br />\"The Citizens of America, placed in the most enviable condition, as the sole Lords and Proprietors of a vast tract of Continent, comprehending all the various Soils and Climates of the World and abounding with all the necessaries and conveniences of life, are now, by the late satisfactory pacification, acknowledged to be possessed of absolute freedom and Independency. They are from this period to be considered as the Actors, on a most conspicuous Theatre, which seems to be peculiarly designated by Providence for the display of human greatness and felicity. Here they are not only surrounded with every thing which can contribute to the completion of private and domestic enjoyment, but Heaven has crowned all its other blessings by giving a fairer opportunity for political happiness, than any other Nation has ever been favored with.<br /><br />Nothing can illustrate these observations more forcibly than a recollection of the happy conjuncture of times and circumstances under which our Republic assumed its Rank among the Nations—the foundation of our Empire was not laid in the gloomy Age of ignorance and superstition, but at an Epocha when the rights of Mankind were better understood and more clearly defined, than at any former period—The researches of the human Mind after social happiness have been carried to a great extent, the treasures of knowledge acquired by the labors of Philosophers, Sages and Legislators, through a long succession of years, are laid open for our use and their collected wisdom may be happily applied in the establishment of our forms of Government. The free cultivation of letters, the unbounded extension of Commerce, the progressive Refinement of manners, the growing liberality of sentiment, and, above all, the pure and benign light of Revelation, have had a meliorating influence on Mankind and increased the blessings of Society. At this Auspicious period the United States came into existence as a Nation, and if their Citizens should not be completely free & happy, the fault will be entirely their own.<br /><br />Such is our situation, and such are our prospects: but notwithstanding the Cup of blessing is thus reached out to us, notwithstanding happiness is ours if we have a disposition to seize the occasion and make it our own, yet it appears to me there is an option still left to the United States of America; that it is in their choice and depends upon their conduct, whether they will be respectable and prosperous or contemptible and Miserable as a Nation. This is the time of their political probation: this is the moment when the eyes of the whole World are turned upon them—This is the moment to establish or ruin their National Character for ever—This is the favorable moment to give such a tone to our federal Government, as will enable it to answer the ends of its institution—or this may be the ill fated moment for relaxing the powers of the Union, annihilating the cement of the Confederation and exposing us to become the sport of European Politics, which may play one State against another, to prevent their growing importance and to serve their own interested purposes; for according to the System of Policy the States shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall, and by their confirmation or lapse, it is yet to be decided whether the Revolution must ultimately be considered as a blessing or a curse: a blessing or a curse, not to the present Age alone, for with our fate will the destiny of unborn Millions be involved.<br /><br />With this conviction of the importance of the present Crisis, silence in me would be a crime; I will therefore speak to your Excellency the language of freedom and sincerity without disguise. I am aware, however, that those who differ from me in political sentiment may perhaps remark I am stepping out of the proper line of my duty, and they may possibly ascribe to arrogance or ostentation what I know is alone the result of the purest intention; but the rectitude of my own heart, which disdains such unworthy motives; the part I have hitherto acted in life; the determination I have formed of not taking any share in public business hereafter; the ardent desire I feel and shall continue to manifest of quietly enjoying in private life, after all the toils of War, the benefits of a wise and liberal Government, will, I flatter myself, sooner or later convince my Country men that I could have no sinister views in delivering, with so little Reserve, the opinions contained in this address.<br /><br />There are four things, which I humbly conceive are essential to the well being, I may even venture to say to the existence, of the United States as an Independent Power.<br /><br />1st An indissoluble Union of the States under one federal Head.<br />2ndly A sacred regard to public Justice.<br />3dly The adoption of a proper Peace Establishment—and<br />4thly The prevalence of that pacific and friendly disposition among the people of the United States, which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies, to make those mutual concessions which are requisite to the general prosperity, and, in some instances, to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the community.<br /><br />These are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of our Independency and National Character must be supported—Liberty is the basis—and whoever would dare to sap the foundation or overturn the Structure under whatever specious pretexts he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration and the severest punishments which can be inflicted by his injured Country.<br /><br />On the three first Articles I will make a few observations, leaving the last to the good sense and serious consideration of those immediately concerned. Under the first head, although it may not be necessary or proper for me in this place to enter into a particular disquisition of the principles of the Union and to take up the great question which has been frequently agitated, whether it be expedient and requisite for the States to delegate a larger proportion of Power to Congress or not, yet it will be a part of my duty, and that of every true Patriot; to assert without reserve and to insist upon the following positions—<br /><br />That unless the States will suffer Congress to exercise those prerogatives they are undoubtedly invested with by the Constitution, every thing must very rapidly tend to Anarchy and confusion—that it is indispensable to the happiness of the individual States that there should be lodged somewhere, a supreme power to regulate and govern the general concerns of the confederated Republic, without which the Union cannot be of long duration—<br /><br />That there must be a faithful and pointed compliance on the part of every State with the late proposals and demands of Congress, or the most fatal consequences will ensue; that whatever measures have a tendency to dissolve the Union, or contribute to violate or lessen the Sovereign Authority, ought to be considered as hostile to the Liberty and Independency of America and the Authors of them treated accordingly;<br /><br />and lastly, that unless we can be enabled, by the concurrence of the States, to participate of the fruits of the Revolution, and enjoy the essential benefits of civil Society, under a form of Government so free and uncorrupted, so happily guarded against the danger of oppression as has been devised and adopted by the Articles of Confederation, it will be a subject of regret that so much blood and treasure have been lavished for no purpose; that so many sufferings have been encounter’d, without a compensation and that so many sacrifices have been made in vain.<br /><br />Many other considerations might here be adduced to prove, that without an entire conformity to the spirit of the Union we cannot exist—as an independent Power. It will be sufficient for my purpose, to mention but one or two which seem to me of the greatest importance. It is only in our United Character, as an Empire, that our Independence is acknowledged, that our power can be regarded or our Credit supported among foreign Nations—the Treaties of the European Powers with the United States of America will have no validity on a dissolution of the Union. We shall be left nearly in a State of Nature, or we may find by our own unhappy experience, that there is a natural and necessary progression from the extreme of Anarchy to the extreme of Tyranny, and that arbitrary power is most easily established on the ruins of Liberty abused to Licentiousness.<br /><br />As to the Second Article, which respects the performance of public justice, Congress have in their late address to the United States almost exhausted the Subject, they have explained their ideas so fully and have enforced the obligations the States are under to render complete justice to all the public Creditors, with so much dignity and energy, that in my opinion no real friend to the honor and Independency of America, can hesitate a single moment respecting the propriety of complying with the just and honorable measures proposed.<br /><br />If their Arguments do not produce conviction, I know of nothing that will have greater influence, especially when we recollect that the System referred to, being the result of the collected wisdom of the Continent, must be esteemed, if not perfect, certainly the least objectionable of any that could be devised, and that if it shall not be carried into immediate execution, a National Bankruptcy, with all its deplorable consequences, will take place before any different plan can possibly be proposed and adopted, so pressing are the present circumstances! And such is the alternative now offered to the States! <br /><br />The ability of the Country to discharge the debts which have been incurred in its defence, is not to be doubted, an inclination I flatter myself will not be wanting: the path of our duty is plain before us—honesty will be found on every experiment to be the best and only true policy—let us then as a Nation be just—let us fulfill the public Contracts which Congress had undoubtedly a right to make for the purpose of carrying on the War, with the same good faith we suppose ourselves bound to perform our private engagements; in the mean time let an attention to the cheerful performance of their proper business as individuals and as members of Society be earnestly inculcated on the Citizens of America—then will they strengthen the hands of Government and be happy under its protection, every one will reap the fruit of his Labors, every one will enjoy his own acquisitions without molestation and without danger. In this state of absolute freedom and perfect security, who will grudge to yield a very little of his property to support the common interests of Society and ensure the protection of Government?<br /><br />Who does not remember the frequent declarations at the commencement of the War that we should be completely satisfied, if at the expense of one half, we could defend the remainder of our possessions! Where is the Man to be found who wishes to remain indebted for the defence of his own person and property to the exertions, the bravery and the blood of others, without making one generous effort to repay the debt of honor and of gratitude?<br /><br />In what part of the Continent shall we find any Man or body of Men who would not blush to stand up and propose measures purposely calculated to rob the Soldier of his Stipend and the public Creditor of his due and were it possible that such a flagrant instance of injustice could ever happen, would it not excite the general indignation and tend to bring down upon the authors of such measures the aggravated vengeance of Heaven? If after all, a spirit of disunion or a temper of obstinacy and perverseness should manifest itself in any of the States; if such an ungracious disposition should attempt to frustrate all the happy effects that might be expected to flow from the Union; if there should be a refusal to comply with the Requisitions for funds to discharge the annual Interest of the public Debts and if that refusal should revive again all those jealousies and produce all those evils which are now happily removed, Congress, who have, in all their transactions, shewn a great degree of magnanimity and justice, will stand justified in the sight of God and Man and the State alone which puts itself in opposition to the aggregate wisdom of the Continent and follows such mistaken and pernicious councils, will be responsible for all the Consequences...\"<br /><br /><br />Text in Picture/Back of Shirt:<br /><br />“There is an option still left to the United States of America; that it is in their choice and depends upon their conduct, whether they will be respectable and prosperous or contemptible and miserable as a Nation. This is the time of their political probation: this is the moment when the eyes of the whole World are turned upon them—this is the moment to establish or ruin their National Character forever—this is the favorable moment to give such a tone to our Federal Government, as will enable it to answer the ends of its institution—or this may be the ill fated moment for relaxing the powers of the Union, annihilating the cement of the Confederation and exposing us to become the sport of European Politics, which may play one State against another, to prevent their growing importance and to serve their own interested purposes; for according to the System of Policy the States shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall, and by their confirmation or lapse. Liberty is the basis—and whoever would dare to sap the foundation or overturn the Structure under whatever specious pretexts he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration and the severest punishments which can be inflicted by his injured Country.”<br /><br /><br />Circular to the States<br />June 8, 1783<br /><br /><br />Source:<br /><a href=\"https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-11404\" target=\"_blank\">https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-11404</a><br /><br />Photo Source:<br /><a href=\"https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/8/82/Stuart-george-washington-constable-1797.jpg/469px-Stuart-george-washington-constable-1797.jpg\" target=\"_blank\">https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/8/82/Stuart-george-washington-constable-1797.jpg/469px-Stuart-george-washington-constable-1797.jpg</a><br /><br />Presidential Video [propagationi veritatis]:<br /><a href=\"https://www.brighteon.com/419b1c25-e1e7-452a-9faa-12ca314a48ed\" target=\"_blank\">https://www.brighteon.com/419b1c25-e1e7-452a-9faa-12ca314a48ed</a><br /><br />Apparel:<br /><a href=\"https://teespring.com/PrezP01\" target=\"_blank\">https://teespring.com/PrezP01</a>",
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"content": "1) George Washington (1789-1797) (Federalist):\n\n\"The Citizens of America, placed in the most enviable condition, as the sole Lords and Proprietors of a vast tract of Continent, comprehending all the various Soils and Climates of the World and abounding with all the necessaries and conveniences of life, are now, by the late satisfactory pacification, acknowledged to be possessed of absolute freedom and Independency. They are from this period to be considered as the Actors, on a most conspicuous Theatre, which seems to be peculiarly designated by Providence for the display of human greatness and felicity. Here they are not only surrounded with every thing which can contribute to the completion of private and domestic enjoyment, but Heaven has crowned all its other blessings by giving a fairer opportunity for political happiness, than any other Nation has ever been favored with.\n\nNothing can illustrate these observations more forcibly than a recollection of the happy conjuncture of times and circumstances under which our Republic assumed its Rank among the Nations—the foundation of our Empire was not laid in the gloomy Age of ignorance and superstition, but at an Epocha when the rights of Mankind were better understood and more clearly defined, than at any former period—The researches of the human Mind after social happiness have been carried to a great extent, the treasures of knowledge acquired by the labors of Philosophers, Sages and Legislators, through a long succession of years, are laid open for our use and their collected wisdom may be happily applied in the establishment of our forms of Government. The free cultivation of letters, the unbounded extension of Commerce, the progressive Refinement of manners, the growing liberality of sentiment, and, above all, the pure and benign light of Revelation, have had a meliorating influence on Mankind and increased the blessings of Society. At this Auspicious period the United States came into existence as a Nation, and if their Citizens should not be completely free & happy, the fault will be entirely their own.\n\nSuch is our situation, and such are our prospects: but notwithstanding the Cup of blessing is thus reached out to us, notwithstanding happiness is ours if we have a disposition to seize the occasion and make it our own, yet it appears to me there is an option still left to the United States of America; that it is in their choice and depends upon their conduct, whether they will be respectable and prosperous or contemptible and Miserable as a Nation. This is the time of their political probation: this is the moment when the eyes of the whole World are turned upon them—This is the moment to establish or ruin their National Character for ever—This is the favorable moment to give such a tone to our federal Government, as will enable it to answer the ends of its institution—or this may be the ill fated moment for relaxing the powers of the Union, annihilating the cement of the Confederation and exposing us to become the sport of European Politics, which may play one State against another, to prevent their growing importance and to serve their own interested purposes; for according to the System of Policy the States shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall, and by their confirmation or lapse, it is yet to be decided whether the Revolution must ultimately be considered as a blessing or a curse: a blessing or a curse, not to the present Age alone, for with our fate will the destiny of unborn Millions be involved.\n\nWith this conviction of the importance of the present Crisis, silence in me would be a crime; I will therefore speak to your Excellency the language of freedom and sincerity without disguise. I am aware, however, that those who differ from me in political sentiment may perhaps remark I am stepping out of the proper line of my duty, and they may possibly ascribe to arrogance or ostentation what I know is alone the result of the purest intention; but the rectitude of my own heart, which disdains such unworthy motives; the part I have hitherto acted in life; the determination I have formed of not taking any share in public business hereafter; the ardent desire I feel and shall continue to manifest of quietly enjoying in private life, after all the toils of War, the benefits of a wise and liberal Government, will, I flatter myself, sooner or later convince my Country men that I could have no sinister views in delivering, with so little Reserve, the opinions contained in this address.\n\nThere are four things, which I humbly conceive are essential to the well being, I may even venture to say to the existence, of the United States as an Independent Power.\n\n1st An indissoluble Union of the States under one federal Head.\n2ndly A sacred regard to public Justice.\n3dly The adoption of a proper Peace Establishment—and\n4thly The prevalence of that pacific and friendly disposition among the people of the United States, which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies, to make those mutual concessions which are requisite to the general prosperity, and, in some instances, to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the community.\n\nThese are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of our Independency and National Character must be supported—Liberty is the basis—and whoever would dare to sap the foundation or overturn the Structure under whatever specious pretexts he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration and the severest punishments which can be inflicted by his injured Country.\n\nOn the three first Articles I will make a few observations, leaving the last to the good sense and serious consideration of those immediately concerned. Under the first head, although it may not be necessary or proper for me in this place to enter into a particular disquisition of the principles of the Union and to take up the great question which has been frequently agitated, whether it be expedient and requisite for the States to delegate a larger proportion of Power to Congress or not, yet it will be a part of my duty, and that of every true Patriot; to assert without reserve and to insist upon the following positions—\n\nThat unless the States will suffer Congress to exercise those prerogatives they are undoubtedly invested with by the Constitution, every thing must very rapidly tend to Anarchy and confusion—that it is indispensable to the happiness of the individual States that there should be lodged somewhere, a supreme power to regulate and govern the general concerns of the confederated Republic, without which the Union cannot be of long duration—\n\nThat there must be a faithful and pointed compliance on the part of every State with the late proposals and demands of Congress, or the most fatal consequences will ensue; that whatever measures have a tendency to dissolve the Union, or contribute to violate or lessen the Sovereign Authority, ought to be considered as hostile to the Liberty and Independency of America and the Authors of them treated accordingly;\n\nand lastly, that unless we can be enabled, by the concurrence of the States, to participate of the fruits of the Revolution, and enjoy the essential benefits of civil Society, under a form of Government so free and uncorrupted, so happily guarded against the danger of oppression as has been devised and adopted by the Articles of Confederation, it will be a subject of regret that so much blood and treasure have been lavished for no purpose; that so many sufferings have been encounter’d, without a compensation and that so many sacrifices have been made in vain.\n\nMany other considerations might here be adduced to prove, that without an entire conformity to the spirit of the Union we cannot exist—as an independent Power. It will be sufficient for my purpose, to mention but one or two which seem to me of the greatest importance. It is only in our United Character, as an Empire, that our Independence is acknowledged, that our power can be regarded or our Credit supported among foreign Nations—the Treaties of the European Powers with the United States of America will have no validity on a dissolution of the Union. We shall be left nearly in a State of Nature, or we may find by our own unhappy experience, that there is a natural and necessary progression from the extreme of Anarchy to the extreme of Tyranny, and that arbitrary power is most easily established on the ruins of Liberty abused to Licentiousness.\n\nAs to the Second Article, which respects the performance of public justice, Congress have in their late address to the United States almost exhausted the Subject, they have explained their ideas so fully and have enforced the obligations the States are under to render complete justice to all the public Creditors, with so much dignity and energy, that in my opinion no real friend to the honor and Independency of America, can hesitate a single moment respecting the propriety of complying with the just and honorable measures proposed.\n\nIf their Arguments do not produce conviction, I know of nothing that will have greater influence, especially when we recollect that the System referred to, being the result of the collected wisdom of the Continent, must be esteemed, if not perfect, certainly the least objectionable of any that could be devised, and that if it shall not be carried into immediate execution, a National Bankruptcy, with all its deplorable consequences, will take place before any different plan can possibly be proposed and adopted, so pressing are the present circumstances! And such is the alternative now offered to the States! \n\nThe ability of the Country to discharge the debts which have been incurred in its defence, is not to be doubted, an inclination I flatter myself will not be wanting: the path of our duty is plain before us—honesty will be found on every experiment to be the best and only true policy—let us then as a Nation be just—let us fulfill the public Contracts which Congress had undoubtedly a right to make for the purpose of carrying on the War, with the same good faith we suppose ourselves bound to perform our private engagements; in the mean time let an attention to the cheerful performance of their proper business as individuals and as members of Society be earnestly inculcated on the Citizens of America—then will they strengthen the hands of Government and be happy under its protection, every one will reap the fruit of his Labors, every one will enjoy his own acquisitions without molestation and without danger. In this state of absolute freedom and perfect security, who will grudge to yield a very little of his property to support the common interests of Society and ensure the protection of Government?\n\nWho does not remember the frequent declarations at the commencement of the War that we should be completely satisfied, if at the expense of one half, we could defend the remainder of our possessions! Where is the Man to be found who wishes to remain indebted for the defence of his own person and property to the exertions, the bravery and the blood of others, without making one generous effort to repay the debt of honor and of gratitude?\n\nIn what part of the Continent shall we find any Man or body of Men who would not blush to stand up and propose measures purposely calculated to rob the Soldier of his Stipend and the public Creditor of his due and were it possible that such a flagrant instance of injustice could ever happen, would it not excite the general indignation and tend to bring down upon the authors of such measures the aggravated vengeance of Heaven? If after all, a spirit of disunion or a temper of obstinacy and perverseness should manifest itself in any of the States; if such an ungracious disposition should attempt to frustrate all the happy effects that might be expected to flow from the Union; if there should be a refusal to comply with the Requisitions for funds to discharge the annual Interest of the public Debts and if that refusal should revive again all those jealousies and produce all those evils which are now happily removed, Congress, who have, in all their transactions, shewn a great degree of magnanimity and justice, will stand justified in the sight of God and Man and the State alone which puts itself in opposition to the aggregate wisdom of the Continent and follows such mistaken and pernicious councils, will be responsible for all the Consequences...\"\n\n\nText in Picture/Back of Shirt:\n\n“There is an option still left to the United States of America; that it is in their choice and depends upon their conduct, whether they will be respectable and prosperous or contemptible and miserable as a Nation. This is the time of their political probation: this is the moment when the eyes of the whole World are turned upon them—this is the moment to establish or ruin their National Character forever—this is the favorable moment to give such a tone to our Federal Government, as will enable it to answer the ends of its institution—or this may be the ill fated moment for relaxing the powers of the Union, annihilating the cement of the Confederation and exposing us to become the sport of European Politics, which may play one State against another, to prevent their growing importance and to serve their own interested purposes; for according to the System of Policy the States shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall, and by their confirmation or lapse. Liberty is the basis—and whoever would dare to sap the foundation or overturn the Structure under whatever specious pretexts he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration and the severest punishments which can be inflicted by his injured Country.”\n\n\nCircular to the States\nJune 8, 1783\n\n\nSource:\nhttps://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-11404\n\nPhoto Source:\nhttps://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/8/82/Stuart-george-washington-constable-1797.jpg/469px-Stuart-george-washington-constable-1797.jpg\n\nPresidential Video [propagationi veritatis]:\nhttps://www.brighteon.com/419b1c25-e1e7-452a-9faa-12ca314a48ed\n\nApparel:\nhttps://teespring.com/PrezP01",
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"content": "2) John Adams (1797-1801) (Federalist):<br /><br />\"A native of America who cannot read and write is as rare an appearance, as a Jacobite or a Roman Catholic, i.e. as rare as a Comet or an Earthquake. It has been observed, that we are all of us, lawyers, divines, politicians and philosophers. And I have good authorities to say that all candid foreigners who have passed thro’ this country, and conversed freely with all sorts of people here, will allow, that they have never seen so much knowledge and civility among the common people in any part of the world. It is true, there has been among us a party for some years, consisting chiefly not of the descendants of the first settlers of this country but of high churchmen and high statesmen, imported since, who affect to censure this provision for the education of our youth as a needless expense, and an imposition upon the rich in favor of the poor—and as an institution productive of idleness and vain speculation among the people, whose time and attention it is said ought to be devoted to labor, and not to public affairs or to examination into the conduct of their superiors. And certain officers of the crown, and certain other missionaries of ignorance, foppery, servility and slavery, have been most inclined to countenance and increase the same party.<br /><br />Be it remembered, however, that liberty must at all hazards be supported. We have a right to it, derived from our Maker. But if we had not, our fathers have earned, and bought it for us, at the expense of their ease, their estates, their pleasure, and their blood. And liberty cannot be preserved without a general knowledge among the people, who have a right from the frame of their nature, to knowledge, as their great Creator who does nothing in vain, has given them understandings, and a desire to know—but besides this they have a right, an indisputable, unalienable, indefeasible divine right to that most dreaded, and envied kind of knowledge, I mean of the characters and conduct of their rulers.<br /><br />Rulers are no more than attorneys, agents and trustees for the people; and if the cause, the interest and trust is insidiously betrayed, or wantonly trifled away, the people have a right to revoke the authority, that they themselves have deputed, and to constitute abler and better agents, attorneys and trustees. And the preservation of the means of knowledge, among the lowest ranks, is of more importance to the public, than all the property of all the rich men in the country. It is even of more consequence to the rich themselves, and to their posterity.<br /><br />The only question is whether it is a public emolument? And if it is, the rich ought undoubtedly to contribute in the same proportion, as to all other public burdens, i.e. in proportion to their wealth which is secured by public expenses. But none of the means of information are more sacred, or have been cherished with more tenderness and care by the settlers of America, than the Press. Care has been taken, that the art of printing should be encouraged, and that it should be easy and cheap and safe for any person to communicate his thoughts to the public.<br /><br />And you, Messieurs Printers, whatever the tyrants of the earth may say of your paper, have done important service to your country, by your readiness and freedom in publishing the speculations of the curious. The stale, impudent insinuations of slander and sedition, with which the gormandizers of power have endeavored to discredit your paper, are so much the more to your honor; for the jaws of power are always opened to devour, and her arm is always stretched out if possible to destroy, the freedom of thinking, speaking and writing. And if the public interest, liberty and happiness have been in danger, from the ambition or avarice of any great man or number of great men, whatever may be their politeness, address, learning, ingenuity and in other respects integrity and humanity, you have done yourselves honor and your country service, by publishing and pointing out that avarice and ambition. These views are so much the more dangerous and pernicious, for the virtues with which they may be accompanied in the same character, and with so much the more watchful jealousy to be guarded against. “Curse on such virtues, they’ve undone their country.”<br /><br />Be not intimidated therefore, by any terrors, from publishing with the utmost freedom, whatever can be warranted by the laws of your country; nor suffer yourselves to be wheedled out of your liberty, by any pretenses of politeness, delicacy or decency. These as they are often used, are but three different names, for hypocrisy, chicanery and cowardice. Much less I presume will you be discouraged by any pretenses, that malignants on this side the water will represent your paper as factious and seditious, or that the Great on the other side the water will take offense at them.<br /><br />This Dread of representation, has had for a long time in this province effects very similar to what the physicians call an hydropho, or dread of water. It has made us delirious. And we have rushed headlong into the water, till we are almost drowned, out of simple or phrensical fear of it. Believe me, the character of this country has suffered more in Britain, by the pusillanimity with which we have borne many insults and indignities from the creatures of power at home, and the creatures of those creatures here, than it ever did or ever will by the freedom and spirit that has been or will be discovered in writing, or action.<br /><br />Believe me my countrymen, they have imbibed an opinion on the other side the water, that we are an ignorant, a timid and a stupid people, nay their tools on this side have often the impudence to dispute your bravery. But I hope in God the time is near at hand, when they will be fully convinced of your understanding, integrity and courage. But can any thing be more ridiculous, were it not too provoking to be laughed at, than to pretend that offense should be taken at home for writings here? Pray let them look at home. Is not the human understanding exhausted there? Are not reason, imagination, wit, passion, senses and all, tortured to find out satyr and invective against the characters of the vile and futile fellows who sometimes get into place and power?<br /><br />The most exceptionable paper that ever I saw here, is perfect prudence and modesty, in comparison of multitudes of their applauded writings. Yet the high regard they have for the freedom of the Press, indulges all. I must and will repeat it, your Paper deserves the patronage of every friend to his country. And whether the defamers of it are arrayed in robes of scarlet or sable, whether they lurk and skulk in an insurance office, whether they assume the venerable character of a Priest, the sly one of a scrivener, or the dirty, infamous, abandoned one of an informer, they are all the creatures and tools of the lust of domination. The true source of our sufferings, has been our timidity.\"<br /><br /><br />Text in Picture/Back of Shirt:<br /><br />“It is true, there has been among us a party for some years, consisting chiefly not of the descendants of the first settlers of this country, but of high churchmen and high statesmen imported since, who affect to censure this provision for the education of our youth as a needless expense, and an imposition upon the rich in favor of the poor, and as an institution productive of idleness and vain speculation among the people, whose time and attention, it is said, ought to be devoted to labor, and not to public affairs, or to examination into the conduct of their superiors. And certain officers of the crown, and certain other missionaries of ignorance, foppery, servility, and slavery, have been most inclined to countenance and increase the same party. Be it remembered, however, that liberty must at all hazards be supported. We have a right to it, derived from our Maker. But if we had not, our fathers have earned and bought it for us, at the expense of their ease, their estates, their pleasure, and their blood. And liberty cannot be preserved without a general knowledge among the people, who have a right, from the frame of their nature, to knowledge, as their great Creator, who does nothing in vain, has given them understandings, and a desire to know; but besides this, they have a right, an indisputable, unalienable, indefeasible, divine right to that most dreaded and envied kind of knowledge, I mean, of the characters and conduct of their rulers. Rulers are no more than attorneys, agents, and trustees for the people; and if the cause, the interest and trust, is insidiously betrayed, or wantonly trifled away, the people have a right to revoke the authority that they themselves have deputed, and to constitute abler and better agents, attorneys, and trustees. And the preservation of the means of knowledge among the lowest ranks, is of more importance to the public than all the property of all the rich men in the country. It is even of more consequence to the rich themselves, and to their posterity.”<br /><br /><br />“A Dissertation on the Canon and the Feudal Law” No. 3<br />September 30, 1765<br /><br /><br />Source:<br /><a href=\"https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-01-02-0052-0006\" target=\"_blank\">https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-01-02-0052-0006</a><br /><br />Photo Source:<br /><a href=\"https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/70/John_Adams,_Gilbert_Stuart,_c1800_1815.jpg\" target=\"_blank\">https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/70/John_Adams,_Gilbert_Stuart,_c1800_1815.jpg</a><br /><br />Presidential Video [triumphus victorias]:<br />brighteon.com/3aea8bab-ca7a-42f1-b875-97357302203b<br /><br />Apparel:<br /><a href=\"https://teespring.com/PrezP02\" target=\"_blank\">https://teespring.com/PrezP02</a>",
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"content": "2) John Adams (1797-1801) (Federalist):\n\n\"A native of America who cannot read and write is as rare an appearance, as a Jacobite or a Roman Catholic, i.e. as rare as a Comet or an Earthquake. It has been observed, that we are all of us, lawyers, divines, politicians and philosophers. And I have good authorities to say that all candid foreigners who have passed thro’ this country, and conversed freely with all sorts of people here, will allow, that they have never seen so much knowledge and civility among the common people in any part of the world. It is true, there has been among us a party for some years, consisting chiefly not of the descendants of the first settlers of this country but of high churchmen and high statesmen, imported since, who affect to censure this provision for the education of our youth as a needless expense, and an imposition upon the rich in favor of the poor—and as an institution productive of idleness and vain speculation among the people, whose time and attention it is said ought to be devoted to labor, and not to public affairs or to examination into the conduct of their superiors. And certain officers of the crown, and certain other missionaries of ignorance, foppery, servility and slavery, have been most inclined to countenance and increase the same party.\n\nBe it remembered, however, that liberty must at all hazards be supported. We have a right to it, derived from our Maker. But if we had not, our fathers have earned, and bought it for us, at the expense of their ease, their estates, their pleasure, and their blood. And liberty cannot be preserved without a general knowledge among the people, who have a right from the frame of their nature, to knowledge, as their great Creator who does nothing in vain, has given them understandings, and a desire to know—but besides this they have a right, an indisputable, unalienable, indefeasible divine right to that most dreaded, and envied kind of knowledge, I mean of the characters and conduct of their rulers.\n\nRulers are no more than attorneys, agents and trustees for the people; and if the cause, the interest and trust is insidiously betrayed, or wantonly trifled away, the people have a right to revoke the authority, that they themselves have deputed, and to constitute abler and better agents, attorneys and trustees. And the preservation of the means of knowledge, among the lowest ranks, is of more importance to the public, than all the property of all the rich men in the country. It is even of more consequence to the rich themselves, and to their posterity.\n\nThe only question is whether it is a public emolument? And if it is, the rich ought undoubtedly to contribute in the same proportion, as to all other public burdens, i.e. in proportion to their wealth which is secured by public expenses. But none of the means of information are more sacred, or have been cherished with more tenderness and care by the settlers of America, than the Press. Care has been taken, that the art of printing should be encouraged, and that it should be easy and cheap and safe for any person to communicate his thoughts to the public.\n\nAnd you, Messieurs Printers, whatever the tyrants of the earth may say of your paper, have done important service to your country, by your readiness and freedom in publishing the speculations of the curious. The stale, impudent insinuations of slander and sedition, with which the gormandizers of power have endeavored to discredit your paper, are so much the more to your honor; for the jaws of power are always opened to devour, and her arm is always stretched out if possible to destroy, the freedom of thinking, speaking and writing. And if the public interest, liberty and happiness have been in danger, from the ambition or avarice of any great man or number of great men, whatever may be their politeness, address, learning, ingenuity and in other respects integrity and humanity, you have done yourselves honor and your country service, by publishing and pointing out that avarice and ambition. These views are so much the more dangerous and pernicious, for the virtues with which they may be accompanied in the same character, and with so much the more watchful jealousy to be guarded against. “Curse on such virtues, they’ve undone their country.”\n\nBe not intimidated therefore, by any terrors, from publishing with the utmost freedom, whatever can be warranted by the laws of your country; nor suffer yourselves to be wheedled out of your liberty, by any pretenses of politeness, delicacy or decency. These as they are often used, are but three different names, for hypocrisy, chicanery and cowardice. Much less I presume will you be discouraged by any pretenses, that malignants on this side the water will represent your paper as factious and seditious, or that the Great on the other side the water will take offense at them.\n\nThis Dread of representation, has had for a long time in this province effects very similar to what the physicians call an hydropho, or dread of water. It has made us delirious. And we have rushed headlong into the water, till we are almost drowned, out of simple or phrensical fear of it. Believe me, the character of this country has suffered more in Britain, by the pusillanimity with which we have borne many insults and indignities from the creatures of power at home, and the creatures of those creatures here, than it ever did or ever will by the freedom and spirit that has been or will be discovered in writing, or action.\n\nBelieve me my countrymen, they have imbibed an opinion on the other side the water, that we are an ignorant, a timid and a stupid people, nay their tools on this side have often the impudence to dispute your bravery. But I hope in God the time is near at hand, when they will be fully convinced of your understanding, integrity and courage. But can any thing be more ridiculous, were it not too provoking to be laughed at, than to pretend that offense should be taken at home for writings here? Pray let them look at home. Is not the human understanding exhausted there? Are not reason, imagination, wit, passion, senses and all, tortured to find out satyr and invective against the characters of the vile and futile fellows who sometimes get into place and power?\n\nThe most exceptionable paper that ever I saw here, is perfect prudence and modesty, in comparison of multitudes of their applauded writings. Yet the high regard they have for the freedom of the Press, indulges all. I must and will repeat it, your Paper deserves the patronage of every friend to his country. And whether the defamers of it are arrayed in robes of scarlet or sable, whether they lurk and skulk in an insurance office, whether they assume the venerable character of a Priest, the sly one of a scrivener, or the dirty, infamous, abandoned one of an informer, they are all the creatures and tools of the lust of domination. The true source of our sufferings, has been our timidity.\"\n\n\nText in Picture/Back of Shirt:\n\n“It is true, there has been among us a party for some years, consisting chiefly not of the descendants of the first settlers of this country, but of high churchmen and high statesmen imported since, who affect to censure this provision for the education of our youth as a needless expense, and an imposition upon the rich in favor of the poor, and as an institution productive of idleness and vain speculation among the people, whose time and attention, it is said, ought to be devoted to labor, and not to public affairs, or to examination into the conduct of their superiors. And certain officers of the crown, and certain other missionaries of ignorance, foppery, servility, and slavery, have been most inclined to countenance and increase the same party. Be it remembered, however, that liberty must at all hazards be supported. We have a right to it, derived from our Maker. But if we had not, our fathers have earned and bought it for us, at the expense of their ease, their estates, their pleasure, and their blood. And liberty cannot be preserved without a general knowledge among the people, who have a right, from the frame of their nature, to knowledge, as their great Creator, who does nothing in vain, has given them understandings, and a desire to know; but besides this, they have a right, an indisputable, unalienable, indefeasible, divine right to that most dreaded and envied kind of knowledge, I mean, of the characters and conduct of their rulers. Rulers are no more than attorneys, agents, and trustees for the people; and if the cause, the interest and trust, is insidiously betrayed, or wantonly trifled away, the people have a right to revoke the authority that they themselves have deputed, and to constitute abler and better agents, attorneys, and trustees. And the preservation of the means of knowledge among the lowest ranks, is of more importance to the public than all the property of all the rich men in the country. It is even of more consequence to the rich themselves, and to their posterity.”\n\n\n“A Dissertation on the Canon and the Feudal Law” No. 3\nSeptember 30, 1765\n\n\nSource:\nhttps://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-01-02-0052-0006\n\nPhoto Source:\nhttps://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/70/John_Adams,_Gilbert_Stuart,_c1800_1815.jpg\n\nPresidential Video [triumphus victorias]:\nbrighteon.com/3aea8bab-ca7a-42f1-b875-97357302203b\n\nApparel:\nhttps://teespring.com/PrezP02",
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"content": "3) Thomas Jefferson (1801-1809) (Democratic-Republican):<br /><br />\"I do then with sincere zeal wish an inviolable preservation of our present federal constitution, according to the true sense in which it was adopted by the states, that in which it was advocated by its friends, and not that which its enemies apprehended, who therefore became its enemies: and I am opposed to the monarchising its features by the forms of its administration, with a view to conciliate a first transition to a President and Senate for life, and from that to a hereditary tenure of these offices, and thus to worm out the elective principle. I am for preserving to the states the powers not yielded by them to the Union, and to the legislature of the Union its constitutional share in the division of powers: and I am not for transferring all the powers of the states to the general government, and all those of that government to the Executive branch. I am for a government rigorously frugal and simple, applying all the possible savings of the public revenue to the discharge of the national debt: and not for a multiplication of officers and salaries merely to make partizans, and for increasing, by every device, the public debt, on the principle of its being a public blessing. I am for relying, for internal defence, on our militia solely till actual invasion, and for such a naval force only as may protect our coasts and harbors from such depredations as we have experienced: and not for a standing army in time of peace which may overawe the public sentiment; nor for a navy which by its own expenses and the eternal wars in which it will implicate us, will grind us with public burthens, and sink us under them. I am for free commerce with all nations, political connection with none, and little or no diplomatic establishment: and I am not for linking ourselves, by new treaties with the quarrels of Europe, entering that field of slaughter to preserve their balance, or joining in the confederacy of kings to war against the principles of liberty. I am for freedom of religion, and against all maneuvers to bring about a legal ascendancy of one sect over another: for freedom of the press, and against all violations of the constitution to silence by force and not by reason the complaints or criticisms, just or unjust, of our citizens against the conduct of their agents. and I am for encouraging the progress of science in all its branches; and not for raising a hue and cry against the sacred name of philosophy, for awing the human mind, by stories of rawhead and bloody bones, to a distrust of its own vision and to repose implicitly on that of others; to go backwards instead of forwards to look for improvement, to believe that government, religion, morality and every other science were in the highest perfection in ages of the darkest ignorance, and that nothing can ever be devised more perfect than what was established by our forefathers.<br /><br />To these I will add that I was a sincere well-wisher to the success of the French revolution, and still wish it may end in the establishment of a free and well ordered republic: but I have not been insensible under the atrocious depredations they have committed on our commerce. The first object of my heart is my own country. In that is embarked my family, my fortune, and my own existence. I have not one farthing of interest, nor one fibre of attachment out of it, nor a single motive of preference of any one nation to another but in proportion as they are more or less friendly to us. But though deeply feeling the injuries of France, I did not think war the surest mode of redressing them. I did believe that a mission sincerely disposed to preserve peace, would obtain for us a peaceable and honorable settlement and retribution; and I appeal to you to say whether this might not have been obtained, if either of your colleagues had been of the same sentiment with yourself.<br /><br />These my friend are my principles; they are unquestionably the principles of the great body of our fellow citizens, and I know there is not one of them which is not yours also. In truth we never differed but on one ground, the funding system; and as from the moment of its being adopted by the constituted authorities, I became religiously principled in the sacred discharge of it to the uttermost farthing, we are now united even on that single ground of difference.\"<br /><br /><br />Text in Picture/Back of Shirt:<br /><br />“I do then with sincere zeal wish an inviolable preservation of our present federal constitution, according to the true sense in which it was adopted by the states, that in which it was advocated by its friends, and not that which its enemies apprehended, who therefore became its enemies: and I am opposed to the monarchising its features by the forms of its administration, with a view to conciliate a first transition to a President and Senate for life, and from that to a hereditary tenure of these offices, and thus to worm out the elective principle. I am for a government rigorously frugal and simple, applying all the possible savings of the public revenue to the discharge of the national debt: and not for a multiplication of officers and salaries merely to make partizans, and for increasing, by every device, the public debt, on the principle of it’s being a public blessing. I am for relying, for internal defence, on our militia solely till actual invasion, and for such a naval force only as may protect our coasts and harbors from such depredations as we have experienced: and not for a standing army in time of peace which may overawe the public sentiment; nor for a navy which by it’s own expenses and the eternal wars in which it will implicate us, will grind us with public burthens, and sink us under them. I am for free commerce with all nations, political connection with none, and little or no diplomatic establishment: and I am not for linking ourselves, by new treaties with the quarrels of Europe, entering that field of slaughter to preserve their balance, or joining in the confederacy of kings to war against the principles of liberty. I am for freedom of religion, and against all maneuvers to bring about a legal ascendancy of one sect over another: for freedom of the press, and against all violations of the constitution to silence by force and not by reason the complaints or criticisms, just or unjust, of our citizens against the conduct of their agents.”<br /><br /><br />Letter to Elbridge Gerry<br />January 26, 1799<br /><br /><br />Source:<br /><a href=\"https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/01-30-02-0451\" target=\"_blank\">https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/01-30-02-0451</a><br /><br />Photo Source:<br /><a href=\"https://www1.nyc.gov/assets/designcommission/images/content/portraits/Jefferson_Jarvis.jpg\" target=\"_blank\">https://www1.nyc.gov/assets/designcommission/images/content/portraits/Jefferson_Jarvis.jpg</a><br /><br />Presidential Videos:<br />Part I [dies independentiae]:<br /><a href=\"https://www.brighteon.com/0ba07ca4-7485-4bae-923c-8c2ba16f765d\" target=\"_blank\">https://www.brighteon.com/0ba07ca4-7485-4bae-923c-8c2ba16f765d</a><br />Part II [no quarta]:<br />brighteon.com/6dc75fbd-da61-4f8c-80e2-a16cda910657<br /><br />Apparel:<br /><a href=\"https://teespring.com/PrezP03\" target=\"_blank\">https://teespring.com/PrezP03</a>",
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"content": "3) Thomas Jefferson (1801-1809) (Democratic-Republican):\n\n\"I do then with sincere zeal wish an inviolable preservation of our present federal constitution, according to the true sense in which it was adopted by the states, that in which it was advocated by its friends, and not that which its enemies apprehended, who therefore became its enemies: and I am opposed to the monarchising its features by the forms of its administration, with a view to conciliate a first transition to a President and Senate for life, and from that to a hereditary tenure of these offices, and thus to worm out the elective principle. I am for preserving to the states the powers not yielded by them to the Union, and to the legislature of the Union its constitutional share in the division of powers: and I am not for transferring all the powers of the states to the general government, and all those of that government to the Executive branch. I am for a government rigorously frugal and simple, applying all the possible savings of the public revenue to the discharge of the national debt: and not for a multiplication of officers and salaries merely to make partizans, and for increasing, by every device, the public debt, on the principle of its being a public blessing. I am for relying, for internal defence, on our militia solely till actual invasion, and for such a naval force only as may protect our coasts and harbors from such depredations as we have experienced: and not for a standing army in time of peace which may overawe the public sentiment; nor for a navy which by its own expenses and the eternal wars in which it will implicate us, will grind us with public burthens, and sink us under them. I am for free commerce with all nations, political connection with none, and little or no diplomatic establishment: and I am not for linking ourselves, by new treaties with the quarrels of Europe, entering that field of slaughter to preserve their balance, or joining in the confederacy of kings to war against the principles of liberty. I am for freedom of religion, and against all maneuvers to bring about a legal ascendancy of one sect over another: for freedom of the press, and against all violations of the constitution to silence by force and not by reason the complaints or criticisms, just or unjust, of our citizens against the conduct of their agents. and I am for encouraging the progress of science in all its branches; and not for raising a hue and cry against the sacred name of philosophy, for awing the human mind, by stories of rawhead and bloody bones, to a distrust of its own vision and to repose implicitly on that of others; to go backwards instead of forwards to look for improvement, to believe that government, religion, morality and every other science were in the highest perfection in ages of the darkest ignorance, and that nothing can ever be devised more perfect than what was established by our forefathers.\n\nTo these I will add that I was a sincere well-wisher to the success of the French revolution, and still wish it may end in the establishment of a free and well ordered republic: but I have not been insensible under the atrocious depredations they have committed on our commerce. The first object of my heart is my own country. In that is embarked my family, my fortune, and my own existence. I have not one farthing of interest, nor one fibre of attachment out of it, nor a single motive of preference of any one nation to another but in proportion as they are more or less friendly to us. But though deeply feeling the injuries of France, I did not think war the surest mode of redressing them. I did believe that a mission sincerely disposed to preserve peace, would obtain for us a peaceable and honorable settlement and retribution; and I appeal to you to say whether this might not have been obtained, if either of your colleagues had been of the same sentiment with yourself.\n\nThese my friend are my principles; they are unquestionably the principles of the great body of our fellow citizens, and I know there is not one of them which is not yours also. In truth we never differed but on one ground, the funding system; and as from the moment of its being adopted by the constituted authorities, I became religiously principled in the sacred discharge of it to the uttermost farthing, we are now united even on that single ground of difference.\"\n\n\nText in Picture/Back of Shirt:\n\n“I do then with sincere zeal wish an inviolable preservation of our present federal constitution, according to the true sense in which it was adopted by the states, that in which it was advocated by its friends, and not that which its enemies apprehended, who therefore became its enemies: and I am opposed to the monarchising its features by the forms of its administration, with a view to conciliate a first transition to a President and Senate for life, and from that to a hereditary tenure of these offices, and thus to worm out the elective principle. I am for a government rigorously frugal and simple, applying all the possible savings of the public revenue to the discharge of the national debt: and not for a multiplication of officers and salaries merely to make partizans, and for increasing, by every device, the public debt, on the principle of it’s being a public blessing. I am for relying, for internal defence, on our militia solely till actual invasion, and for such a naval force only as may protect our coasts and harbors from such depredations as we have experienced: and not for a standing army in time of peace which may overawe the public sentiment; nor for a navy which by it’s own expenses and the eternal wars in which it will implicate us, will grind us with public burthens, and sink us under them. I am for free commerce with all nations, political connection with none, and little or no diplomatic establishment: and I am not for linking ourselves, by new treaties with the quarrels of Europe, entering that field of slaughter to preserve their balance, or joining in the confederacy of kings to war against the principles of liberty. I am for freedom of religion, and against all maneuvers to bring about a legal ascendancy of one sect over another: for freedom of the press, and against all violations of the constitution to silence by force and not by reason the complaints or criticisms, just or unjust, of our citizens against the conduct of their agents.”\n\n\nLetter to Elbridge Gerry\nJanuary 26, 1799\n\n\nSource:\nhttps://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/01-30-02-0451\n\nPhoto Source:\nhttps://www1.nyc.gov/assets/designcommission/images/content/portraits/Jefferson_Jarvis.jpg\n\nPresidential Videos:\nPart I [dies independentiae]:\nhttps://www.brighteon.com/0ba07ca4-7485-4bae-923c-8c2ba16f765d\nPart II [no quarta]:\nbrighteon.com/6dc75fbd-da61-4f8c-80e2-a16cda910657\n\nApparel:\nhttps://teespring.com/PrezP03",
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"content": "4) James Madison (1809-1817) (Democratic-Republican):<br /><br />\"Having considered the bill this day presented to me entitled \"An act to set apart and pledge certain funds for internal improvements,\" and which sets apart and pledges funds \"for constructing roads and canals, and improving the navigation of water courses, in order to facilitate, promote, and give security to internal commerce among the several States, and to render more easy and less expensive the means and provisions for the common defense,\" I am constrained by the insuperable difficulty I feel in reconciling the bill with the Constitution of the United States to return it with that objection to the House of Representatives, in which it originated. The legislative powers vested in Congress are specified and enumerated in the eighth section of the first article of the Constitution, and it does not appear that the power proposed to be exercised by the bill is among the enumerated powers, or that it falls by any just interpretation within the power to make laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution those or other powers vested by the Constitution in the Government of the United States. \"The power to regulate commerce among the several States\" can not include a power to construct roads and canals, and to improve the navigation of water courses in order to facilitate, promote, and secure such a commerce without a latitude of construction departing from the ordinary import of the terms strengthened by the known inconveniences which doubtless led to the grant of this remedial power to Congress. To refer the power in question to the clause \"to provide for the common defense and general welfare\" would be contrary to the established and consistent rules of interpretation, as rendering the special and careful enumeration of powers which follow the clause nugatory and improper. Such a view of the Constitution would have the effect of giving to Congress a general power of legislation instead of the defined and limited one hitherto understood to belong to them, the terms \"common defense and general welfare\" embracing every object and act within the purview of a legislative trust.<br /><br />It would have the effect of subjecting both the Constitution and laws of the several States in all cases not specifically exempted to be superseded by laws of Congress, it being expressly declared \"that the Constitution of the United States and laws made in pursuance thereof shall be the supreme law of the land, and the judges of every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.\" Such a view of the Constitution, finally, would have the effect of excluding the judicial authority of the United States from its participation in guarding the boundary between the legislative powers of the General and the State Governments, inasmuch as questions relating to the general welfare, being questions of policy and expediency, are unsusceptible of judicial cognizance and decision. A restriction of the power \"to provide for the common defense and general welfare\" to cases which are to be provided for by the expenditure of money would still leave within the legislative power of Congress all the great and most important measures of Government, money being the ordinary and necessary means of carrying them into execution. If a general power to construct roads and canals, and to improve the navigation of water courses, with the train of powers incident thereto, be not possessed by Congress, the assent of the States in the mode provided in the bill can not confer the power. The only cases in which the consent and cession of particular States can extend the power of Congress are those specified and provided for in the Constitution.\"<br /><br /><br />Text in Picture/Back of Shirt:<br /><br />“I am not unaware of the great importance of roads and canals and the improved navigation of water courses, and that a power in the National Legislature to provide for them might be exercised with signal advantage to the general prosperity. But seeing that such a power is not expressly given by the Constitution, and believing that it can not be deduced from any part of it without an inadmissible latitude of construction and a reliance on insufficient precedents; believing also that the permanent success of the Constitution depends on a definite partition of powers between the General and the State Governments, and that no adequate landmarks would be left by the constructive extension of the powers of Congress as proposed in the bill, I have no option but to withhold my signature from it, and to cherishing the hope that its beneficial objects may be attained by a resort for the necessary powers to the same wisdom and virtue in the nation which established the Constitution in its actual form and providently marked out in the instrument itself a safe and practicable mode of improving it as experience might suggest.”<br /><br /><br />Veto Message<br />March 3, 1817<br /><br /><br />Source:<br /><a href=\"https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/node/205266\" target=\"_blank\">https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/node/205266</a><br /><br />Photo Source:<br /><a href=\"http://www.bethepeopletv.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/James_Madison_by_Gilbert_Stuart.jpg\" target=\"_blank\">http://www.bethepeopletv.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/James_Madison_by_Gilbert_Stuart.jpg</a><br /><br />Presidential Video [Legibus Confirmo Libertas]:<br />brighteon.com/ff01c82a-48aa-4d02-8345-4b93f530181c<br />[short]:<br /><a href=\"https://www.brighteon.com/1677bbd7-368d-4eba-a671-53194ac5fa9c\" target=\"_blank\">https://www.brighteon.com/1677bbd7-368d-4eba-a671-53194ac5fa9c</a><br /><br />Apparel:<br /><a href=\"https://teespring.com/PrezP04\" target=\"_blank\">https://teespring.com/PrezP04</a>",
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"published": "2020-04-30T18:14:13+00:00",
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"content": "4) James Madison (1809-1817) (Democratic-Republican):\n\n\"Having considered the bill this day presented to me entitled \"An act to set apart and pledge certain funds for internal improvements,\" and which sets apart and pledges funds \"for constructing roads and canals, and improving the navigation of water courses, in order to facilitate, promote, and give security to internal commerce among the several States, and to render more easy and less expensive the means and provisions for the common defense,\" I am constrained by the insuperable difficulty I feel in reconciling the bill with the Constitution of the United States to return it with that objection to the House of Representatives, in which it originated. The legislative powers vested in Congress are specified and enumerated in the eighth section of the first article of the Constitution, and it does not appear that the power proposed to be exercised by the bill is among the enumerated powers, or that it falls by any just interpretation within the power to make laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution those or other powers vested by the Constitution in the Government of the United States. \"The power to regulate commerce among the several States\" can not include a power to construct roads and canals, and to improve the navigation of water courses in order to facilitate, promote, and secure such a commerce without a latitude of construction departing from the ordinary import of the terms strengthened by the known inconveniences which doubtless led to the grant of this remedial power to Congress. To refer the power in question to the clause \"to provide for the common defense and general welfare\" would be contrary to the established and consistent rules of interpretation, as rendering the special and careful enumeration of powers which follow the clause nugatory and improper. Such a view of the Constitution would have the effect of giving to Congress a general power of legislation instead of the defined and limited one hitherto understood to belong to them, the terms \"common defense and general welfare\" embracing every object and act within the purview of a legislative trust.\n\nIt would have the effect of subjecting both the Constitution and laws of the several States in all cases not specifically exempted to be superseded by laws of Congress, it being expressly declared \"that the Constitution of the United States and laws made in pursuance thereof shall be the supreme law of the land, and the judges of every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.\" Such a view of the Constitution, finally, would have the effect of excluding the judicial authority of the United States from its participation in guarding the boundary between the legislative powers of the General and the State Governments, inasmuch as questions relating to the general welfare, being questions of policy and expediency, are unsusceptible of judicial cognizance and decision. A restriction of the power \"to provide for the common defense and general welfare\" to cases which are to be provided for by the expenditure of money would still leave within the legislative power of Congress all the great and most important measures of Government, money being the ordinary and necessary means of carrying them into execution. If a general power to construct roads and canals, and to improve the navigation of water courses, with the train of powers incident thereto, be not possessed by Congress, the assent of the States in the mode provided in the bill can not confer the power. The only cases in which the consent and cession of particular States can extend the power of Congress are those specified and provided for in the Constitution.\"\n\n\nText in Picture/Back of Shirt:\n\n“I am not unaware of the great importance of roads and canals and the improved navigation of water courses, and that a power in the National Legislature to provide for them might be exercised with signal advantage to the general prosperity. But seeing that such a power is not expressly given by the Constitution, and believing that it can not be deduced from any part of it without an inadmissible latitude of construction and a reliance on insufficient precedents; believing also that the permanent success of the Constitution depends on a definite partition of powers between the General and the State Governments, and that no adequate landmarks would be left by the constructive extension of the powers of Congress as proposed in the bill, I have no option but to withhold my signature from it, and to cherishing the hope that its beneficial objects may be attained by a resort for the necessary powers to the same wisdom and virtue in the nation which established the Constitution in its actual form and providently marked out in the instrument itself a safe and practicable mode of improving it as experience might suggest.”\n\n\nVeto Message\nMarch 3, 1817\n\n\nSource:\nhttps://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/node/205266\n\nPhoto Source:\nhttp://www.bethepeopletv.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/James_Madison_by_Gilbert_Stuart.jpg\n\nPresidential Video [Legibus Confirmo Libertas]:\nbrighteon.com/ff01c82a-48aa-4d02-8345-4b93f530181c\n[short]:\nhttps://www.brighteon.com/1677bbd7-368d-4eba-a671-53194ac5fa9c\n\nApparel:\nhttps://teespring.com/PrezP04",
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